Owain ap Dyfnwal (fl. 934)

Owain ap Dyfnwal (fl. 934) was King of Strathclyde (King of the Cumbrians) in the early tenth century, a time of considerable southward expansion into territory beyond the Solway. He seems to have been a son of Dyfnwal, King of the Britons, who may have been related to previous kings of Strathclyde, earlier known as Alt Clut.

Owain may have represented Strathclyde in the tripartite alliance with Scotland and Mercia, apparently assembled by Æthelflæd, Lady of the Mercians. Around this time, the Cumbrians are recorded to have campaigned against either Ragnall ua Ímair or Sitric Cáech. Owain may also be the King of Strathclyde who is recorded to have submitted to Æthelflæd's brother, Edward, King of the Anglo-Saxons, in 920 with Ragnall and Constantine II of Scotland. Moreover, Owain seems to have been present at another assembly in 927, when he, Custantín, Ealdred (son of Eadwulf), and perhaps Owain ap Hywel, King of Gwent, acknowledged overlordship of Edward's son and successor, Æthelstan. The assembly itself may have been situated on or near the River Eamont, seemingly the southern frontier of the Cumbrian kingdom.

Owain is first securely attested in 934, when Æthelstan invaded and ravaged the Kingdom of Alba and seemingly Strathclyde as well. In the aftermath of this campaign, both Owain and Custantín are known to have been present at Æthelstan's royal court, witnessing several charters as subreguli ("sub-kings") of the Englishman. Three years later, the Scots and Cumbrians allied themselves with Amlaíb mac Gofraid against the English at the Battle of Brunanburh. It is possible that Owain is identical to the unnamed Cumbrian king recorded to have participated in this remarkable defeat to the English. If he was indeed present, he could have been amongst the dead. His son Dyfnwal ab Owain is recorded to have been King of the Cumbrians within a few years.


For hundreds of years until the late ninth century, the power centre of the Kingdom of Al Clud was the fortress of Al Clud ("Rock of the Clyde").[1] In 870, this British stronghold was seized by Irish-based Scandinavians,[2] after which the centre of the realm seems to have relocated further up the River Clyde, and the kingdom itself began to bear the name of the valley of the Clyde, Ystrad Clud ("Strathclyde").[3] The kingdom's new capital may have been situated at Govan,[4] and the fact that the realm's new hinterland appears to have encompassed the valley and the region of modern Renfrewshire may explain this change in terminology.[5]

Refer to caption
The title of Owain's grandson and eventual successor, Máel Coluim, as it appears on folio 9r of British Library MS Cotton Faustina B IX (the Chronicle of Melrose): "rex Cumbrorum".[6]

Over time the restructured Kingdom of Strathclyde appears to have undergone a period of remarkable expansion. Although the precise chronology is uncertain, by 927 the southern frontier appears to have reached the River Eamont, close to Penrith.[7] This extension may have been a result of the dramatic decline of Kingdom of Northumbria at the hands of conquering Vikings,[8] and may have been enabled by the Britons' cooperation with insular Scandinavian powers in the late ninth- or early tenth century.[9] Strathclyde was increasingly called the realm of the Cumbrians, reflecting the extension far beyond the Clyde valley.[10][note 1]

Refer to caption
The title of Owain's apparent father, Dyfnwal, as it appears on 29r of Paris Bibliothèque Nationale MS Latin 4126 (the Poppleton manuscript): "rex Britanniorum".[16]

Owain was likely a son of Dyfnwal, King of the Britons.[17] Dyfnwal is specifically attested by only one source, the Chronicle of the Kings of Alba, which reveals that he died at some point between 908 and 915.[18][note 2] Dyfnwal's parentage is unknown, although it is conceivable that he was a member of the British dynasty that ruled Al Clud/Strathclyde before him.[20] He could have been a son[21] or grandson of Eochaid ap Rhun. Alternately, Dyfnwal may have merely belonged to a different branch of the same dynasty.[22][note 3] Whatever the case, the names borne by Owain and his apparent descendants suggest that he was indeed a member of the royal kindred of Al Clud/Strathclyde.[24]

Æthelflæd's tripartite northern alliance

Refer to caption
Illuminated portrait of Æthelflæd, from folio 14r of British Library MS Cotton Claudius B VI[25]

If the Fragmentary Annals of Ireland is to be believed, at some point in the second decade of the tenth century, in an effort to combat the increasing menace of insular Scandinavians, Æthelflæd, Lady of the Mercians (died 918) assembled an alliance of between the Mercians, Scots, and Cumbrians. The compact stipulated that, in the event that one of these three peoples were attacked, that the others would come to their aid. The Cumbrians and Scots are further stated to have destroyed several Scandinavian settlements.[26] While the Scots may have focused upon Argyll and the Hebrides, the Cumbrians may have concentrated on Scandinavian colonies in the Solway Firth.[27] Although a Scandinavian king is stated to have "sacked Strathclyde and plundered the land", this attack upon the Cumbrians is also said to have been "ineffectual".[28] The unnamed attacking king may have been Ragnall ua Ímair (died 920/921), who likely controlled territory in western Northumbria at about this time.[29] Another candidate is Sitriuc Cáech, an Uí Ímair kinsman of Ragnall who seized the kingship of Dublin before the attack, according the Fragmentary Annals.[30] The leader of the Scots at this period of time was Custantín mac Áeda, King of Alba (died 952). The record of Dyfnwal's death before 915, and the evidence of Owain ruling the Kingdom of the Cumbrians in the later decades, suggests that he succeeded Dyfnwal as king,[31] and represented the realm in the alliance. The fact that the Cumbrians are not recorded to have received any assistance from Æthelflæd could indicate that they were attacked after her death in 918.[32]

Refer to caption
Sitriuc Cáech's name, from as it appears on folio 29r of the Annals of Ulster[33]

In the year of Æthelflæd's death, Ragnall and the Scots fought the bloody but inconclusive Battle of Corbridge. This conflict is reported in numerous sources, such as the Annals of Ulster, the Chronicle of the Kings of Alba, and Historia de Sancto Cuthberto, and appears to have taken place in the context of Custantín's attempt to reinsert the exiled Northumbrian magnate Ealdred (died 933), son of Eadwulf (died 913), into western Northumbria.[34] Although the presence of Cumbrians in the campaign is not specifically recorded, it is likely that they too participated in operations against the Scandinavians.[35] Whatever the case, Ragnall's ability to weather the attack seems to have led to his consolidation of authority in western Northumbria.[36]

Edward's northern assembly of 920

Refer to caption
The name of Ragnall ua Ímair as it appears on folio 29r of Oxford Bodleian Library MS Rawlinson B 489[37]

Owain may also be identical to the unnamed "king of the Strathclyde Welsh" whose apparent submission in 920 to Æthelflæd's brother, Edward, King of the Anglo-Saxons (died 924), is recorded by the "A" version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.[38] Custantín and Ragnall are also reported to have submitted to Edward on this occasion.[39] Despite the chronicle's claim, there is reason to suspect that this supposed submission was more a negotiation of sorts, perhaps an agreement concerning the recent reorientation of the political map. For example, Edward had recently gained control of Mercia and parts of Northumbria, while Ragnall acquired York in 919.[40] Chronicon ex chronicis, by John of Worcester (died 1140), states that a treaty of peace was concluded between the parties.[41] One possibility is that the Scots and Cumbrians were bound from attacking Ragnall's territories in Northumbria as long as the latter refrained from conspiring against Edward's authority.[42] The fact that the attested Ragnall and the sons of Eadwulf are not accorded royal titles—as opposed to the Scottish and Cumbrian kings—could indicate that the Edward was indeed claiming a degree of overlordship over these men.[43]

Æthelstan's northern assembly of 927

Refer to caption
The name and title of Æthelstan as it appears on folio 141r of British Library Cotton MS Tiberius B I (the "C" version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle): "Æþelstan cing"[44]

Owain may also have participated in an assembly of kings with Æthelstan, King of the Anglo-Saxons (died 939), in 927.[45] According to the "D" version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, the meeting took place at Eamotum, and was attended by Æthelstan, the Welsh king Hywel Dda (died 949/950), Custantín, Owain ap Hywel, King of Gwent, and Ealdred.[46] According to Gesta Regum Anglorum by William of Malmesbury (died c. 1142), an assembly took place at Dacre, an ecclesiastical centre near the River Eamont. William's list of attendees differs from that of the chronicle in the fact that Owain himself is listed instead of Owain ap Hywel.[47] In fact, the assemblies may well refer to the same event, and it is not unlikely that both men were present.[48][note 4] Whatever the case, Owain's involvement may have concerned support rendered to Gofraid ua Ímair (died 934), a man who temporarily seized the kingship of York in 927 before being driven out within the year by Æthelstan.[53] In fact, Gesta regum states that Gofraid was forced from York into Scotia, whereupon Æthelstan summoned the Cumbrian and Scottish kings to the aforesaid assembly.[54]

Photograph of standing stone at Mayburgh Henge.
The prehistoric site of Mayburgh Henge, near Eamont Bridge, one of several possible locations of an assemblage of northern kings in 927

The recorded location of the assemblage may be evidence that the Kingdom of the Cumbrians reached as far south as the River Eamont.[55] Certainly, it is an otherwise well-attested phenomenon of mediaeval European monarchs to negotiate with their neighbours on their common territorial boundaries.[56] In fact, the contemporary Latin poem Carta, dirige gressus seems to not only corroborate the meeting itself,[57] but may further evince the assembly's importance to the Cumbrians. Specifically, the poem states that Custantín hastened to Bryttanium in order to render his submission, and it is possible that this terminology refers to the Cumbrian realm rather than the island of Britain.[58] The sources that note the assembly, therefore, may reveal that it took place near the River Eamont at Dacre.[59] Another possibility is that the meeting was set in the vicinity of Eamont Bridge, between the River Eamont and the River Lowther.[60] Not far from this location are two prehistoric henges (Mayburgh Henge and King Arthur's Round Table) and the remains of the Roman fort (Brocavum), any of which could have served as the venue for an important assembly.[61] Whatever the case, Æthelstan's assembly in the north, and another near the Welsh border not long after, marked a turning point in the history of Britain. Not only did Æthelstan claim kingship over all the English peoples of Britain, but positioned himself as overking of Britain itself.[62]

Æthelstan's invasion of 934

Refer to caption
The name of Gofraid ua Ímair as it appears on folio 29v of Oxford Bodleian Library MS Rawlinson B 489.[63]

In 934, the concordat between Æthelstan and the northern kings collapsed in dramatic fashion, with the former launching an invasion into the north.[64] The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle relates that the English king penetrated into Alba with both land forces and maritime forces, and thereby ravaged much of the realm.[65] Preparations for this massive undertaking appear to be evidenced by several royal charters dating to May and June of that year.[66] The fullest account of the English campaign is preserved by Historia Regum, by Symeon of Durham (died c.1128), a source which states that Æthelstan's land forces marched as far as Dunnottar and Wertermorum, and that his maritime forces reached as far as Catenes (seemingly Caithness).[67][note 5] According to Symeon's Libellus de exordio (also known as Historia Dunelmensis ecclesiæ), Owain and the Cumbrians were caught up in campaign, with Owain and his Scottish counterpart, Custantín, being put to flight by Æthelstan's forces.[69] The Cumbrian realm, therefore, seems to have endured the same fate as that of the Scots.[70] The reasons behind Æthelstan's campaign are uncertain. One possibility is that Owain and Custantín had broke certain pledges that they had rendered to the English in 927.[71] Perhaps the latter reneged on a promise to render homage.[72] According to Chronicon ex chronicis the King of Alba had indeed broke a treaty with Æthelstan, and that the former was forced to give up a son as an English hostage.[73]

Refer to caption
The Giant's Grave, a collection of apparent tenth-century monuments at Penrith. The stones display significant Scandinavian influences, and are traditionally associated with a legendary king, variably known as Owain Caesarius. It is possible that this figure refers to Owain, or any of the tenth- and eleventh-century Cumbrian kings who bore the same name.[74][note 6]

Surviving charter evidence, dating to September 934, reveals that the defeated Custantín had submitted to Æthelstan, and was then in the latter's presence witnessing a particular charter to one of English king's household men.[78] Owain too seems to have spent time in Æthelstan's court, attesting several of the latter's royal charters.[79] For example, he appears to have witnessed one as a subregulus (with Custantín and three Welsh kings) in Cirencester in 935,[80] and another as a subregulus (with three Welsh kings) in Dorchester on 21 December 937.[81] The ordering of the witness lists in Æthelstan's surviving charters seems to reveal the eminent standing Owain enjoyed amongst his royal peers,[82] and suggests that he was regarded as the third most powerful king in Britain, after Custantín and Æthelstan.[83]

Defeat at Brunanburh in 937

Refer to caption
The name of Amlaíb mac Gofraid as it appears on folio 7v of British Library MS Cotton Faustina B IX: "Anlafus rex Hẏberniæ".[84]

Æthelstan's attempt to incorporate the northern kings into an imperial subreguli systeman arrangement he had earlier initiated with the rulers of Waleswas interrupted before the end of the decade.[85] This may have been about the time when Custantín and Gofraid's son, Amlaíb (died 941), concluded the marital alliance referred to by Chronicon ex chronicis.[86][note 7] Certainly, Amlaíb consolidated power in Ireland between 934 and 936, before he crossed the Irish Sea and engaged the English at the Battle of Brunanburh in 937.[88] Supporting Amlaíb against Æthelstan—the man who had forced Amlaíb's father from power in Northumbria—were the Scots and Cumbrians.[89][note 8] Described by the Annals of Ulster as "a great, lamentable and horrible battle",[91] the English victory at Brunanburh was resounding military achievement for Æthelstan.[92] Regardless of its significance to contemporaries and later generations, however, the precise location of Brunanburh is uncertain.[93]

Black and white illustration of Viking king, looking out from his warship, at the head of his fleet.
An early twentieth-century depiction of Amlaíb campaigning against the English in 937.[94]

Owain may be identical to the King of the Cumbrians who is recorded to have participated.[95] The sources that refer to the presence of this monarchsuch as Symeon's Historia Regum[96] and Libellus de exordiofail to identify the man by name.[97] The battle is also the subject of the Battle of Brunanburh, a remarkable piece of praise poetry preserved by the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.[98] This panegyricone of the most important sources for the conflict[99]claims that a son of Custantín was killed in the affair, and that five kings also lost their lives against the English.[100] Although the Cumbrians are not specifically mentioned by the text, it is possible that the composer chose to leave them out due to technical constraints regarding the piece's metre and structure. Furthermore, it is conceivable that the composer regarded Amlaíb's supporters to be sufficiently represented by the Scots alone.[101] Whatever the case, if Owain was indeed a participant in the conflict, it is possible that he was amongst those who perished.[102]


Refer to caption
The names of Owain and his son, Dyfnwal, as they appear on folio 25r of Oxford Bodleian Library MS Rawlinson B 502 (Saltair na Rann): "Domnaill meic Eogain".[103]

It seems likely that either Owain, or his succeeding son Dyfnwal (died 975), submitted to Æthelstan soon after the clash at Brunanburh.[104] The tenth-century Life of St Cathróe appears to reveal that Dyfnwal indeed possessed the kingship not terribly long afterwards.[105] Owain, Dyfnwal, and the latter's son Máel Coluim (died 997), are attested by the ninth-century Saltair na Rann in a passage concerning the latter.[106]

See also


  1. By about this time, the Cumbrian kingdom appears to have comprised much of what is today Lanarkshire, Dunbartonshire, Renfrewshire, Stirlingshire, Peebleshire, West Lothian, Mid Lothian, eastern Dumfriesshire, and Cumberland.[11] The Old English Cumbras is a form of the Welsh Cymry,[12] a designation likely used by both the northern Britons and the more southerly Britons (the Welsh).[13] Examples of the new terminology accorded to the northern realm include Cumbra land and terra Cumbrorum, meaning "land of the Cumbrians".[14] Such "Cumbrian" nomenclature is found in royal designations suggesting that its adoption indeed reflected the realm's political expansion. By the mid tenth century, the "Strathclyde" terminology seems to have been mostly superseded.[15]
  2. This range of dates is revealed by the fact that Dyfnwal's name appears within a passage recording the deaths of five kings, and that his name appears after Cormac mac Cuilennáin, King of Munster (died 908) and before Domnall mac Áeda, King of Ailech (died 915).[19]
  3. The lone surviving pedigree of the dynasty ends with Eochaid's father, Rhun ab Arthgal, King of Strathclyde.[23]
  4. One explanation of this discrepancy is that the chronicle (or its source) could have conflated the like-named men.[49] For example, the compiler of the entry in the chronicle—which appears to date to the eleventh century—may have confused Owain with Owain ap Hywel and thereby inserted the latter's name into the entry.[50] Another possibility is that both men were associated with the meeting in the sources from which the chronicle and Gesta Regum are derived.[51] Yet another explanation is that the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle has merely mistaken Owain ap Hywel for Owain. Certainly, Gesta Regum records that Æthelstan met with several Welsh kings at Hereford later in 927.[52]
  5. Other relevant sources include the Chronicle of Melrose and the Annals of Clonmacnoise.[68]
  6. Either Owain himself, or his like-named grandson Owain ap Dyfnwal, or else their ultimate royal successor Owain Foel, may be identical to Owain Caesarius, a legendary figure associated with an assemblage of apparent tenth-century monuments at Penrith collectively known as The Giant's Grave.[75] The nearby site of Castle Hewin (grid reference NY48544627), a place name meaning "Owain's castle" (derived from castell Ewain),[76] may well be named after the same man.[77]
  7. This dynastic alliance may lay behind a particularly garbled statement preserved by the somewhat fictionalised Egils saga, which claims that the leader of the Scandinavians at the Battle of Brunanburh, identified by the saga as a Scottish king named Óláfr rauði, was Scottish on his father's side and Danish on his mother's side.[87]
  8. A particular passage of the twelfth-century L'estoire des Engleis, composed by Geffrei Gaimar (fl. 11361137), states that the insular Scandinavians were supported by Scots, Cumbrians, Gallovidians, and Picts.[90]


  1. Charles-Edwards (2013) p. 8; Clancy (2006).
  2. Edmonds (2015) p. 44; Charles-Edwards (2013) pp. 9, 480; Davies, JR (2013) p. 73; Clarkson (2012) ch. 8; Clarkson (2010) ch. 8.
  3. Edmonds (2015) p. 44; Charles-Edwards (2013) pp. 9, 480481; Clarkson (2012) ch. 8; Clarkson (2010) ch. 8; Clancy (2006).
  4. Charles-Edwards (2013) pp. 9, 480481; Clarkson (2010) ch. 8; Downham (2007) p. 169.
  5. Charles-Edwards (2013) pp. 480481.
  6. Anderson (1922) p. 478; Stevenson (1856) p. 100; Stevenson (1835) p. 34; Cotton MS Faustina B IX (n.d.).
  7. Edmonds (2015) pp. 44, 53; Charles-Edwards (2013) pp. 9, 481; Davies, JR (2013) p. 73; Clarkson (2010) ch. 9; Downham (2007) pp. 159161; Clancy (2006); Todd (2005) p. 96.
  8. Charles-Edwards (2013) pp. 9, 481482; Downham (2007) pp. 159161; Breeze (2006) pp. 327, 331; Woolf (2001a).
  9. Charles-Edwards (2013) pp. 9, 481482.
  10. Edmonds (2015) pp. 5051; Molyneaux (2015) p. 15; Edmonds (2014); Edmonds (2013) p. 44; Davies, JR (2013) p. 73; Clancy (2006).
  11. Woolf (2007) pp. 154155.
  12. Clancy (2006).
  13. Edmonds (2015) pp. 5051; Edmonds (2014) pp. 201202; Charles-Edwards (2013) p. 2.
  14. Edmonds (2015) pp. 5052; Edmonds (2014) pp. 199200, 204205.
  15. Edmonds (2014).
  16. Hudson (1998) p. 150; Skene (1867) p. 9; Lat. 4126 (n.d.) fol. 29v.
  17. Macquarrie (1998) p. 14; Hudson (1994) p. 72.
  18. Broun (2004b) p. 128; Hudson (2002) p. 37; Dumville (2000) p. 77; Hudson (1998) pp. 150, 156157, 157 n. 39; Hudson (1994) p. 71; Anderson (1922) pp. 445446; Skene (1867) p. 9.
  19. Hudson (1994) p. 71.
  20. Clarkson (2010) ch. 9; Broun (2004b) p. 135.
  21. Clarkson (2010) ch. 9; Hudson (1994) p. 72.
  22. Clarkson (2010) ch. 9.
  23. Woolf (2007) p. 28; Hudson (1994) p. 72.
  24. Macquarrie (1998) pp. 1415.
  25. Queens Aethelswitha and Aethelflaed (n.d.).
  26. Clarkson (2014) ch. 4; Clarkson (2010) ch. 9; Fragmentary Annals of Ireland (2010) § 459; Davidson (2009) p. 203; Fragmentary Annals of Ireland (2008) § 459; Costambeys (2004); Hudson (1994) p. 68; Anderson (1922) p. 402.
  27. Clarkson (2014) ch. 4.
  28. Clarkson (2014) ch. 4; Clarkson (2010) ch. 9; Fragmentary Annals of Ireland (2010) § 459; Fragmentary Annals of Ireland (2008) § 459; Hudson (1994) p. 68; Anderson (1922) pp. 402403.
  29. Clarkson (2014) ch. 4; Clarkson (2010) ch. 9.
  30. Clarkson (2014) ch. 4; Fragmentary Annals of Ireland (2010) § 459; Fragmentary Annals of Ireland (2008) § 459; Anderson (1922) p. 401.
  31. Clarkson (2014) ch. 4; Clarkson (2010) ch. 9.
  32. Clarkson (2014) ch. 4.
  33. The Annals of Ulster (2012) § 917.2; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 917.2; Bodleian Library MS. Rawl. B. 489 (n.d.).
  34. Clarkson (2014) ch. 4; Clarkson (2010) ch. 9; The Annals of Ulster (2012) § 918.4; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 918.4; Woolf (2007) pp. 142144; Hudson (2004a); Hudson (1998) pp. 150, 157; Anderson (1922) pp. 406407, 406 n. 3, 446; Anderson (1908) p. 64; Arnold (1882) pp. 208209; Skene (1867) p. 9.
  35. Clarkson (2014) ch. 4; Clarkson (2010) ch. 9.
  36. Clarkson (2010) ch. 9; Woolf (2007) p. 144.
  37. The Annals of Ulster (2012) § 917.2; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 917.2; Bodleian Library MS. Rawl. B. 489 (n.d.).
  38. Broun (2004b) p. 129; Woolf (2001a); Whitelock (1996) p. 220.
  39. Ryan (2013) p. 301; Miller (2011); Clarkson (2010) ch. 9; Woolf (2007) pp. 146147; Broun (2004a); Hart (2004).
  40. Ryan (2013) p. 301; Davidson (2009) p. 209; Duncan (2002) p. 23 n. 51.
  41. Duncan (2002) p. 23 n. 51; Anderson (1908) pp. 65 n. 1; Forester (1854) p. 95; Stevenson (1853) p. 240; Thorpe (1848) pp. 129130.
  42. Clarkson (2010) ch. 9.
  43. Woolf (2007) pp. 146147.
  44. O'Keeffe (2001) p. 77; Cotton MS Tiberius B I (n.d.).
  45. Charles-Edwards (2013) p. 512; Foot (2011a); Clarkson (2010) ch. 9; Maddicott (2010); Woolf (2007) p. 151; Dalton (2006) p. 14; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 104; Woolf (2001a).
  46. McGuigan (2015) p. 42; Clarkson (2014) ch. 5; Smith (2014) pp. 117118; Charles-Edwards (2013) pp. 511512; Wood (2013) p. 140; Foot (2011b) pp. 20, 161; Clarkson (2010) ch. 9; Little (2007) pp. 340341; Woolf (2007) pp. 151152; Dalton (2006) p. 14; Whitelock (1996) pp. 38, 220; Anderson (1908) pp. 6667.
  47. McGuigan (2015) pp. 116117; Clarkson (2014) ch. 5; Smith (2014) p. 172; Charles-Edwards (2013) p. 512; Foot (2011b) p. 162, 162 n. 15; Clarkson (2010) ch. 9; Woolf (2007) pp. 151152; Whitelock (1996) pp. 38, 220 n. 10; Hudson (1994) pp. 7576; Anderson (1908) p. 66 n. 1; Hardy (1840) p. 212.
  48. Clarkson (2014) ch. 5; Charles-Edwards (2013) pp. 505 n. 43, 512; Foot (2011b) p. 162 n. 15; Woolf (2007) p. 151; Dalton (2006) p. 14; Whitelock (1996) p. 220 n. 10.
  49. Charles-Edwards (2013) p. 512.
  50. Whitelock (1996) p. 38 n. 13.
  51. Woolf (2007) p. 151; Whitelock (1996) p. 38 n. 13.
  52. Foot (2011a); Hardy (1840) p. 213214.
  53. Charles-Edwards (2013) p. 512; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 104.
  54. Clarkson (2014) ch. 5; Foot (2011b) p. 162; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 99 n. 49; Anderson (1908) p. 66 n. 1; Hardy (1840) p. 212.
  55. Charles-Edwards (2013) pp. 9, 512, 571; Little (2007) p. 349 n. 115.
  56. Charles-Edwards (2013) p. 512; Stenton (1963) p. 328.
  57. Foot (2011a); Little (2007) pp. 340343.
  58. Smith (2014) p. 85; Charles-Edwards (2013) p. 512; Lapidge (1993) p. 86.
  59. Clarkson (2014) ch. 5; Charles-Edwards (2013) p. 512.
  60. McGuigan (2015) pp. 112113; Clarkson (2014) ch. 5; Wood (2013) p. 140; Foot (2011a); Foot (2011b) p. 162, 162 n. 14; Clarkson (2010) ch. 9; Woolf (2007) pp. 151152; Dalton (2006) p. 14; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 104; Woolf (2001a); Stenton (1963) p. 328.
  61. Clarkson (2014) ch. 5; Clarkson (2012) ch. 9; Clarkson (2010) ch. 9; Woolf (2007) p. 152 n. 55.
  62. Foot (2011a); Foot (2011b) p. 20; Davies, RR (2000) pp. 3637.
  63. The Annals of Ulster (2012) § 921.5; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 921.5; Bodleian Library MS. Rawl. B. 489 (n.d.).
  64. Clarkson (2014) ch. 5; Wood (2013) pp. 140141; Clarkson (2012) ch. 9; Foot (2011a); Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 109; Halloran (n.d.).
  65. Clarkson (2014) ch. 5; Foot (2011a); Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 109; Halloran (2005) p. 137; Whitelock (1996) p. 222; Anderson (1908) p. 67.
  66. Wood (2013) pp. 140141; Foot (2011a); Halloran (n.d.) n. 9; Hudson (1994) p. 76; S 425 (n.d.); S 407 (n.d.).
  67. Clarkson (2014) chs. 5, notes ch. 5 n. 20; Wood (2013) pp. 140141; Foot (2011a); Foot (2011b) p. 23; Halloran (2005) p. 137; Hudson (1994) p. 77; Anderson (1908) p. 68; Arnold (1885) p. 93; Stevenson (1855) p. 502.
  68. Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 109; Anderson (1922) p. 426; Murphy (1896) p. 149; Stevenson (1856) p. 96; Stevenson (1835) p. 28.
  69. Clarkson (2014) ch. 5; Broun (2004b) p. 129; Thornton (2001) p. 67 n. 65; Hudson (1994) p. 72; Anderson (1908) p. 68; Arnold (1882) p. 76.
  70. Clarkson (2014) ch. 5.
  71. Clarkson (2014) ch. 5; Halloran (n.d.).
  72. Clarkson (2012) ch. 9.
  73. Clarkson (2014) ch. 5; Foot (2011a); Halloran (2005) p. 137, 137 n. 25; Whitelock (1996) p. 222 n. 2; Anderson (1908) pp. 67 n. 4, 69; Forester (1854) p. 97; Stevenson (1853) pp. 241242; Thorpe (1848) pp. 131132; Halloran (n.d.).
  74. Clarkson (2010) ch. 10; Proceedings (1947) pp. 221225; Collingwood (1923).
  75. Edmonds (2015) p. 5, 55 n. 61; Clarkson (2010) ch. 10; Proceedings (1947) pp. 221225; Collingwood (1923).
  76. Edmonds (2015) p. 57.
  77. Edmonds (2015) p. 55, 55 n. 61; Clarkson (2010) ch. 10.
  78. Woolf (2007) p. 167.
  79. Clarkson (2014) chs. 5, notes ch. 5 n. 27; Charles-Edwards (2013) p. 516; Wood (2013) pp. 140141; Foot (2011b) pp. 84 n. 86, 89, 92; Maddicott (2010).
  80. Clarkson (2014) chs. 5, notes ch. 5 n. 27; Wood (2013) p. 141, 141 n. 22; Foot (2011b) p. 89; Woolf (2007) p. 167; S 1792 (n.d.).
  81. Clarkson (2014) chs. 5, notes ch. 5 n. 27; Foot (2011b) p. 89; Woolf (2007) p. 168; S 435 (n.d.).
  82. Clarkson (2014) ch. 5; Woolf (2007) p. 167, 167 n. 86.
  83. Clarkson (2014) ch. 5.
  84. Stevenson (1856) p. 97; Stevenson (1835) p. 28; Cotton MS Faustina B IX (n.d.) p. 28.
  85. Halloran (n.d.).
  86. Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 109; Anderson (1908) p. 69; Forester (1854) p. 97; Stevenson (1853) p. 242; Thorpe (1848) p. 132.
  87. Einarsson (2013) p. 72; Wood (2013) p. 148; Anderson (1922) pp. 411412.
  88. Woolf (2007) pp. 168173; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 108109; Hudson (2004b).
  89. Ryan (2013) p. 303; Wood (2013) pp. 140141; Clarkson (2012) ch. 9; Clarkson (2010) ch. 9; Woolf (2007) p. 169; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 99 n. 49, 109; Hudson (2004b).
  90. Wood (2013) p. 141; Short (2009) pp. 192193.
  91. Clarkson (2014) chs. 5, notes ch. 5 n. 32; Wood (2013) p. 142; The Annals of Ulster (2012) § 937.6; Foot (2011a); Foot (2011b) p. 170; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 937.6; Halloran (2005) p. 133; Hudson (1994) p. 79; Anderson (1922) p. 428.
  92. Cannon (2015); Halloran (2005) pp. 133134.
  93. Clarkson (2012) ch. 9; Foot (2011a); Clarkson (2010) ch. 9; Halloran (2005).
  94. Cassell's History of England (1909) p. 49.
  95. Cannon (2015); Charles-Edwards (2013) p. 527; Ryan (2013) p. 303; Wood (2013) p. 141; Foot (2011b) pp. 23, 169170; Oram (2011) ch. 2; Clarkson (2010) ch. 9; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 99 n. 49, 109; Halloran (2005); Macquarrie (2004); Duncan (2002) p. 23 n. 53; Woolf (2001a); Woolf (2001b); Macquarrie (1998) p. 14; Hudson (1994) pp. 80, 174 n. 7.
  96. Charles-Edwards (2013) p. 527; Wood (2013) pp. 155156; Woolf (2007) p. 169; Halloran (2005) p. 141, 141 n. 54; Thornton (2001) p. 67 n. 65; Anderson (1908) p. 71 n. 3; Arnold (1885) p. 93.
  97. Clarkson (2014) ch. 5; Charles-Edwards (2013) p. 527; Wood (2013) p. 141; Thornton (2001) p. 67 n. 65; Anderson (1908) pp. 7071; Arnold (1882) p. 76.
  98. Clarkson (2014) ch. 5; Scragg (2014); Clarkson (2012) ch. 9; Foot (2011b) p. 170; Woolf (2007) pp. 169173; Whitelock (1996) pp. 221222; Hudson (1994) p. 79, 79 n. 61.
  99. Foot (2011b) p. 170.
  100. Foot (2011b) p. 170; Woolf (2007) p. 169; Clarkson (2014) ch. 5; Woolf (2007) pp. 172173; Whitelock (1996) p. 222.
  101. Clarkson (2014) ch. 5.
  102. Woolf (2001a).
  103. McGuigan (2015) p. 140; Saltair na Rann (2011) §§ 23732376; Hudson (1994) pp. 101, 174 nn. 79; Bodleian Library MS. Rawl. B. 502 (n.d.); Saltair na Rann (n.d.) §§ 23732376.
  104. Clarkson (2010) ch. 9.
  105. Clarkson (2010) ch. 9; Hudson (1994) p. 84; Anderson (1922) p. 441; Skene (1867) p. 116; Colganvm (1645) p. 497.
  106. Saltair na Rann (2011) §§ 23732376; Hudson (2002) p. 36; Hudson (1994) pp. 101, 174 nn. 79; Saltair na Rann (n.d.) §§ 23732376.


Primary sources

Secondary sources

Owain ap Dyfnwal
Regnal titles
Preceded by
King of the Cumbrians
Succeeded by
Dyfnwal ab Owain
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