Women in Shinto

Women in Shinto occupy a unique role in the indigenous Japanese traditions of Shinto, including a unique form of participation as temple stewards and shamans, or miko. Though a ban on Shinto priestesses was lifted after 1945, the number of women priests in Shinto is a small fraction of contemporary clergy.

History of women in Shinto

Women in Shinto have long been described as miko, or "Children of God." They are consistently seen as conduits between spirits and men, though men are then seen as the actors who implement the will of the spirit.^[1]

Mythological beginnings

The diverse roles of women in Shinto myths make it difficult for scholars to generalize about women's roles at Shinto's origin.^[2] Amateratsu, the sun goddess, and Himiko, an early shaman queen of Japan, are central figures in the faith. Other goddesses include Benten, a dragon-woman of good luck, and Inari, a rice goddess who takes the form of kitsune, a vixen (female fox) at many Shinto shrines.^[3] The Kojiki, a collection of stories which form Shinto practices, purport to be collected from a courtesan, Hieda no Are, and written down at the request of an Empress, Gemmei.^[3]

In the earliest records of Shinto, from the 2nd to 7th centuries, women were valued as representatives, and carriers, of fertility. There is debate among scholars as to the extent of which this translated into political power within society or within Shinto practice, with some evidence suggesting a deferential tendency to women from male counterparts.^[4] Some scholars suggest that priesthood at this time was seen as a dual role shared by men and women, operating together, often as brother and sister.^[1]

Royal High Priestesses at Ise shrine

According to the mythology of Japan described in the Nihon Shoki, nieces or daughters of the Emperor or Empress served as intermediaries at one of Shinto's holiest sites, the Ise shrine, beginning in the 7th century.^[5] These priestesses served to connect the reigning Emperor to the purported divine origin of that Emperor's power, and remained an official position until the 14th century.^[6] These priestesses retreated to the Royal Palace for a year after being chosen, followed by another year in seclusion, before moving to the Shrine at Ise, where they participated in, and watched over, purification rituals for about 11 years.^[5] Once retired, the priestess could marry.^[2]

The Heian era

Kamo shrine, Kyoto

The Heian era saw an early synthesis of Buddhist and Shinto beliefs in Japan, and the integration of a Confucian legal system from China.^[2] The introduction of a patriarchal Confucian system, combined with the Buddhist concepts of women as "unclean", resulted in a decline in power for female shaman and shrine priestesses.^[1][2] For example, women no longer had any claim to official positions at shrines,^[2] and miko were limited to maintenance and upkeep.^[7]

Some scholars suggest that, while spiritual power was considered equal among male and female priests in this time period, male priests nonetheless wielded larger influence and political power.^[8] Others suggest that the role of women in Shinto is a contemporary myth without connection to ancient Shinto practice.^[7]

Ise shrine priestess maintained their role during this period, and were complemented by a similar position at the Kamo shrine in Kyoto.^[2] Like Ise priestesses, those at Kamo served one year at the Imperial Palace before overseeing the shrines activities. These priestesses would also perform rituals and purifications, including fasting and overseeing ceremonies.^[5]

Tokugawa and Meiji era

During the Tokugawa shogunate, all Shinto priests were consolidated under the control of the Yoshida family, which limited the power of female priests.^[9] This prohibition was carried through into the Meiji era, which sought to regulate Shinto practices. Here, a nationalist movement toward modernization called for the elimination of magical elements that had come to be most closely associated with women.^[1] This trend continued until the defeat of Imperial Japan.^[9] After the defeat of Imperial Japan, Shinto and the state were rendered legally distinct, with prohibitions on state involvement, and later, women were again permitted to become priests.^[1]

Shinto taboos applicable to women

Exclusion from sacred sites

Sign announcing the prohibition of women climbers

Women were excluded from many Shinto shrines and sacred mountains up to about 1872, a practice known as nyonin kekkai (女人結界).^[10] This practice was abolished under the Meiji constitution.^[10]

Some historians suggest that the practice may have originated from folk tales about women who were turned to stone or brought on natural disasters as they approached sacred sites on mountains,^[10][11] or owing to the choice of religious ascetics that rejected interactions with women, and commonly lived high in the mountains.^[10][12] Others suggest the prohibition is influenced by Buddhist doctrine against sexual relationships between monks and nuns.^[10][13]

Some examples of the practice remain in contemporary Japan. A sign at a World Heritage site, Mt. Omine in Nara, forbids women from climbing to the top, which has triggered a number of controversial protests.^[14] Some shrines also ask recent mothers not to pass through torii gates to enter shrines for 72 days after childbirth.^[14]

Women had been forbidden from participation in Yamakasa, parades in which Shinto shrines are carried through a town, until 2001.^[14]

Blood pollution

Women's menstrual blood is a taboo in Shinto, thought to be influenced by the popularity of the Buddhist Blood Pond Sutra (血盆経 Ketsubonkyô). This doctrine preached that women were condemned to a blood pond hell for the sin of pollution through menstrual blood; only the prayer could spare them.^[10][15] Though Buddhist in origin, Shinto facilities emulated this practice in their teaching, encourage women, and men who had contact with menstrual women, to avoid shrines.^[10][13]

Women Shinto priests

In Shinto, female priests are allowed, but remain rare, and take on the male role of priests from recent history, more so than the traditional Shamanistic role of women in early Shinto.^[1] More common roles for women in the clergy are miko, shrine stewards who assist the chief priest. Outside of organized Shinto, however, an increasing number of women are taking the title "miko" and tying it to original Shinto practices such as fortune-telling and healing arts.^[1]

Though 20 women per year graduate from Kokugakuin University with credentials for priesthood, less than two per year become clergy.^[16] In 2001, the Association of Shinto Shrines estimated that there were fewer than 25 women priests in Tokyo.^[16]

A ban on female priests was lifted during World War Two, reflecting smaller family sizes and a shrinking interest in religion within Japan,^[16] as well as a labor shortage after the war.^[17] Most of the first women priests were the wives or daughters of priests who went to war. These women were typically preferred over new priests, because they were well versed in their husband’s duties, and already integrated into the community.^[18]

Special considerations for women priests

Some Shinto priestesses assert that Shinto is no different from other religions in its treatment of women. Akiko Kobayashi, then a priestess for more than 20 years, has stated that there is "no opposition" from either male priests or those who attend shrines led by women priests.^[17]

Menstruation poses a unique challenge to women priests in Shinto, which considers menstrual blood a defilement of sacred spaces.^[19] This "red uncleanness" (aka fujo, in Japanese) was invoked as a traditional restriction on women’s participation in sacred space from 1872 to just before World War Two.^[20] At that point, the Association of Shinto Shrines lifted the ban on women priests and encouraged Shinto shrines to reject the association of "aka fujo."^[21]

In the modern era, menstrual periods in Shinto priests are controlled through the use of medication.^[4][22]

Some of the most important shrines in National Shinto sects, Ise and Atsuta, continue to limit the participation of women priests.^[4] Other obstacles to female priesthood in Shinto include the patronage system, in which an elder priest serves as a mentor for a new priest during religious instruction. This patronage system forbids male priests from instructing women. With a majority of Shinto priests being men, this can pose a challenge for aspiring female priests to find elder mentors.^[23]

Notable women Shinto priests

Nobuyo Otagaki, a female Shinto priest at Amagasaki Ebisu Shrine, in Amagasaki, Hyogo Prefecture, Japan. Otagaki, the daughter of a Shinto priest, was a graduate of Ritsumeikan University.^[24] After taking on work as a flight attendant, Otagaki began to study Shinto and became certified into priesthood.^[25] After moving to New York for two years, she returned to Amagasaki to become a resident priest in 2008.^[26] She took over the Chief Priesthood position from her father in 2012.^[25]

Mihoko Ishii, 58, had been a housewife. She became the priest of Suwa Shrine in Nambu, Aomori Prefecture, after the death of her husband, who had been chief priest.^[25]

Women in folk Shinto

In popular, localized traditions influenced by, but not officially recognized as,^[27] Shinto practice, there is a common figure of itako, or ichiko, or ogamisama: blind mediums. These shaman are always women who enter the calling prior to menstruation. Evidence shows some common aspects of initiation practices for these women among schools in Yamagata, Aomori, and Miyagi prefectures in the 1920s and 1930s. They are trained in various practices, including memorization of Shinto and Buddhist prayers and sutras. Training typically involved cold-water mizugori, or purifying baths, which in its most extreme form can involve complete, sustained drenching by ice-cold water for a period of several days. Once named an itako or ichiko, the woman serves as an intermediary for kami and deceased spirits.^[28]

References

1. Okano, Haruko (1997). Earhart, H.Byron, ed. Religion in the Japanese experience : sources and interpretations (2nd ed.). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Pub. Co. pp. 35–38. ISBN 0534524613.
2. Ambros, Barbara (2015). Women in Japanese Religions. New York: New York University Press.
3. Monaghan, Patricia (2014). Encyclopedia of Goddesses and Heroines. New World Library. p. 140.
4. Okano, Haruko (1993). "Women and Sexism in Shinto". Japan Christian Review. 59: 29.
5. Bock, Felicia (1970). Engishiki: Procedures of the Engi era. Tokyo: Sophia University. pp. 51–52.
6. Michigo, Yusa (1993). Women in Shinto: Images Remembered. Albany: State University of New York Press. ISBN 978-0791416891.
7. Cornyetz, Nina (1999). Dangerous Women, Deadly Words: Phallic Fantasy and Modernity. Stanford University Press.
8. Yanagita, Kunio (1962). Works of Yanagita Kunio. Tokyo: Chikuma Shohu. pp. 7–22.
9. Kramarae, Cheris; Spender, Dale (2004). Routledge International Encyclopedia of Women: Global Women's Issues and Knowledge. Routledge. p. 1847. ISBN 9781135963156.
10. Fumiko, Miyazaki (1 January 2005). "Female Pilgrims and Mt. Fuji: Changing Perspectives on the Exclusion of Women". Monumenta Nipponica. 60 (3): 339–391. doi:10.1353/mni.2005.0034. ISSN 1880-1390 – via Project MUSE (subscription required)
11. Yanagita, Kunio (1962). Teihon: Yanagita Kunio zenshû (volume 9) (in Japanese). Tokyo: Chikuma Shobo. pp. 123–146.
12. Masataka, Suzuki (2002). Nyonin kinsei (in Japanese). Tōkyō: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan. ISBN 464205538X.
13. Ushiyama, Yoshiyuki (1996). "'Nyonin kinsei' sairon ("he System of Exclusion of Women" Reconsidered")". Sangaku shugen (in Japanese). 17: 1–11.
14. Takemaru, Naoko (2010). Women in the Language and Society of Japan. McFarland.
15. Matsuoka, Hideaki (1988). "Wagakuni ni okeru Ketsubonkyô shinkô ni tsuite no ichikôsatsu". In Kenkyûkai, Sôgô Joseishi. Nihon joseishi ronshû: Shûkyô to josei (5) (in Japanese). Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kôbunkan.
16. Karan, Pradyumna. Japan in the 21st Century: Environment, Economy, and Society. University Press of Kentucky. p. 72.
17. Kobayashi, Akiko (2000). "Priestesses of Shinto Religion.". Bangalore: Journal of Dharma: 81–98.
18. Nelson, John K. (1996). A Year in the Life of a Shinto Shrine. University of Washington Press. p. 124.
19. Namihara, Emiko (1987). "Pollution on the Folk Belief System.". Current Anthropology. 28 (4): 565–574.
20. Miyazaki, Fumiko (2005). "Female Pilgrims and Mt. Fuji: Changing Perspectives on the Exclusion of Women.". Monumenta Nipponica. 60 (3): 340.
21. Smyers, Karen A. (1983). "Women and Shinto: The Relation Between Purity and Pollution.". Japanese Religions. 12 (4): 7–19.
22. Fujimura-Fanselow, Kumiko (2011). Transforming Japan: How Feminism and Diversity Are Making a Difference. CUNY Press.
23. Lebra, Takie S. (2007). Identity, Gender, and Status in Japan: Collected Papers of Takie Lebra. Kent, UK: Folkestone. p. 186.
24. "Ameba Profile Page".
25. Nishide, Takeshi. "Women's entry into Shinto priesthood is on the rise". Japan Times. Japan Times. Retrieved 5 December 2015.
26. http://profile.ameba.jp/amaebisu/. Missing or empty |title= (help)
27. Fackler, Martin. "As Japan's Mediums Die, Ancient Tradition Fades". New York Times. New York Times. Archived from the original on 11 April 2015. Retrieved 1 February 2016.
28. Blacker, Carmen (1997). Earhart, Byron, ed. Religion in the Japanese experience : sources and interpretations (2nd ed.). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Pub. Co. pp. 130–135. ISBN 0534524613.