Baltasar Garzón

This name uses Spanish naming customs: the first or paternal family name is Garzón and the second or maternal family name is Real.
Baltasar Garzón
Investigating Magistrate of the Central Court of Criminal Proceedings Number 5
In office
1987  14 May 2010
Succeeded by Fernando Pablo Ruz
Member of the Congress of Deputies
In office
1 July 1993  9 May 1994
Succeeded by Rafael María García-Rico Fernández
Constituency Madrid
Personal details
Born Baltasar Garzón Real
(1955-10-26) 26 October 1955
Torres, Jaén, Andalusia, Spain
Nationality Spanish
Spouse(s) María del Rosario Molina Serrano
Alma mater University of Seville

Baltasar Garzón Real (Spanish pronunciation: [baltaˈsar ɣarˈθon]; born 26 October 1955) is a Spanish jurist. Garzón formerly served on Spain's central criminal court, the Audiencia Nacional, and was the examining magistrate of the Juzgado Central de Instrucción No. 5, which investigates the most important criminal cases in Spain, including terrorism, organised crime, and money laundering. Garzón is currently head of Julian Assange's legal team.


Garzón came to international attention on 10 October 1998 when he issued an international warrant for the arrest of former Chilean President, General Augusto Pinochet, for the alleged deaths and torture of Spanish citizens. Although the British government refused to extradite Pinochet,[1] it was the first time that a former head of government had been arrested on the principle of universal jurisdiction.[2]

Garzón has been prevented from working as a judge in Spain since May 2010. His initial suspension was the result of legal action initiated by Manos Limpias, a rightist union[3] headed by Miguel Bernard Remón, a former leader of Fuerza Nueva, a pro-Francoist political party.[4][5][6] Although he was suspended from judicial activity in Spain pending trial in respect of a charge relating to his investigation of Francoist crimes,[7] he was awarded the René Cassin Prize by the French organization Jeune République with the support of the International Criminal Court and Amnesty International and as a consequence given permission to work as a legal adviser at the International Criminal Court in The Hague from May 2010.[8]

In 2012 the Supreme Court of Spain considered three charges against Garzón. They found against him in relation to one of the charges, that relating to his investigation of the corrupt, money-laundering "Gurtel" network.[9] On 9 February 2012 the Supreme Court convicted him of illegally wiretapping conversations between suspects (on remand in connection with inquiries into "Gurtel") and their lawyers who were believed to be moving their money beyond the reach of the court.[10] The trial judge described this act as appropriate to a dictatorship and sentenced him to eleven years disqualification from judicial activity.[11] The Court did not find against him in the other two cases:

Garzón has stated that he will appeal to the Constitutional Court of Spain against his expulsion from the judiciary.[14][15]


Born in Torres, Jaén, Garzón graduated from the University of Seville in 1979. He was appointed to the Audiencia Nacional in 1988, and rapidly made his name in Spain by pursuing the Basque separatist group ETA.[16]

Political career

In 1993, he asked for an extended leave of absence as a judge and went into politics, running for the Congress of Deputies (the lower house of parliament) as an independent candidate on the party list of the then ruling party Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE). Prime Minister Felipe González appointed him head of a strengthened National Plan Against Drugs, but Garzón resigned shortly after being appointed, complaining of lack of support from the government, and returned to the Audiencia Nacional.

Spanish cases


His investigation in 1994 led to the conviction of José Barrionuevo Peña, a former Interior minister, as head of the Grupos Antiterroristas de Liberación (GAL), a state terrorist group.[17]


Main article: Operación Nécora

Garzón made his name as a magistrate through several police operations centred on drug-trafficking in Galicia. Colombian cartels, such as the Medellín Cartel, were using Galician clans, already accustomed to smuggling tobacco, to smuggle drugs into Spain. In 1990, Operación Nécora led to the conviction of members of the clan led by Laureano Oubiña. The following year Garzón headed another investigation, Operación Pitón, which led to the conviction of members of the Charlines clan.

Caso Atlético

About 1999 he investigated Jesús Gil, the former mayor of Marbella and owner of Atlético Madrid, who was convicted in 2002 on grounds of corruption.


Garzón has also presided in many trials against alleged ETA members. In July 1998 he presided a case against Orain S.A., the Basque communication company that published the newspaper Egin and owned the radio station Egin Irratia. Garzón ordered the closure of both and sent some of the company officers to prison, due to their alleged links with ETA. These charges were later dropped for lack of evidence, and the journalists were released. Many years later Garzón imprisoned them again under the allegation of being part of ETA in a "broader" sense. Egin was allowed to reopen years later by the Audiencia Nacional, after all charges were found without foundation. In February 2003 Garzón also ordered the closure of Egunkaria, once again alleging links with ETA (some years later, it was proven that Egunkaria had no links with the banned separatist group, but it was too late and the newspaper could never be printed again, the company who publishes it had gone bankrupt). In October 2002 Garzón suspended the operations of the Batasuna party for three years, alleging direct connections with ETA. In February 2008 he also ordered the ban of two Basque nationalist parties which had filled the political space of Batasuna: EHAK and EAE-ANV on the same grounds.

Francoist atrocities

On 17 October 2008, Garzón formally declared the acts of repression committed by the Franco regime to be crimes against humanity, and accounted them in more than one hundred thousand killings during and after the Spanish Civil War. He also ordered the exhumation of 19 unmarked mass graves, one of them believed to contain the remains of the poet Federico García Lorca.[18][19]

On 17 November 2008, Garzón said that he was dropping the investigation against Franco and his allies after state prosecutors had questioned his jurisdiction over crimes committed 70 years ago by people who are now dead and whose crimes were covered by an amnesty passed in 1977. In a 152-page statement, he passed responsibility to regional courts for opening 19 mass graves believed to hold the remains of hundreds of victims.[20]

Caso Gürtel

Main article: Gürtel case

A major corruption inquiry, code-named "Gürtel" from the name of its ringleader, Franscisco Correa, ("Gürtel" being German for "belt", which is the meaning of "correa" in Spanish), involving bribes to People's Party, was begun by Garzón. He was taken off the case in 2010.

Allegation of improper eavesdropping

The accused in the case sought to have evidence against them ignored. The accused asked that the evidence be ruled inadmissible, since it was obtained from conversations between prisoners and counsel, which, under Spanish law, it is claimed, is allowed only in terrorism-related cases.[21] Garzón's authorisation of the recordings resulted in his suspension as a judge, which is discussed in the Supreme Court section below.

International cases

Augusto Pinochet

Garzón came to international attention on 10 October 1998 when he issued an international warrant for the arrest of former Chilean President Augusto Pinochet for the alleged deaths and torture of Spanish citizens. The Chilean Truth Commission (1990–91) report was the basis for the warrant, marking an unprecedented use of universal jurisdiction to attempt to try a former dictator for a crime committed abroad. Eventually it was turned down by British Home Secretary Jack Straw, who rejected (on health grounds) Garzón's request to have Pinochet extradited to Spain.

Kissinger and Operation Condor

Garzón asked for permission for cross-examination of former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger in connection with a plot in the 1970s known as Operation Condor.[22]

Argentine genocide

Garzón also filed charges of genocide against Argentine military officers on the disappearance of Spanish citizens during Argentina's 1976–1983 dictatorship. Eventually Adolfo Scilingo and Miguel Angel Cavallo were prosecuted in separate cases. Scilingo was convicted and sentenced to over 1,000 years incarceration for his crimes.[23]


Garzón issued indictments for five Guantanamo detainees, including Spaniard Abderrahman Ahmad and Jordanian Jamil El Banna. Ahmad was extradited to Spain on 14 February 2004. El Banna was released to the United Kingdom, and in 2007, Garzón dropped the charges against him on humanitarian grounds.[24]

Bush Six

Main article: Bush Six

In March 2009, Garzón considered whether Spain should allow charges to be filed against former officials from the United States government under George W. Bush for offering justifications for torture.[25] The six former Bush officials are: Alberto Gonzales, former Attorney General; John Yoo, of the Office of Legal Counsel; Douglas Feith, former undersecretary of defense for policy; William Haynes II, former general counsel for the Department of Defense; Jay Bybee, also at Justice Department's Office of Legal Counsel; and David Addington, Vice President Dick Cheney's Chief of Staff.

However, the investigation was assigned to Judge Eloy Velasco who chose not to pursue it stating that Spain could not investigate the case if the U.S. did not intend to conduct its own investigation into the matter.[26] In a U.S. diplomatic cable leaked by WikiLeaks it was revealed that Chief Prosecutor Javier Zaragoza intended to argue that the case should not be assigned to Judge Garzón, and a later cable stated that Garzón was "forced to give up" the investigation.

On 29 April 2009, Garzón opened an investigation into an alleged "systematic programme" of torture at Guantánamo Bay, following accusations by four former prisoners.[27] Similarly, the leaked cable indicates that the Chief Prosecutor intended to also fight this investigation and that he feared, "Garzón may attempt to wring all the publicity he can from the case unless and until he is forced to give it up."

In September 2009 the Spanish newspaper Público reported that, despite opposition, Garzón was proceeding to the next phase of his investigation. (Andy Worthington, writing in the Huffington Post gave an English language account of this story).[28]

Appearance before the Spanish Supreme Court

The Supreme Court of Spain has declared admissible three criminal accusations against Garzón for 'prevarication' which implies using his authority as a judge to intentionally subvert the course of justice. This is a very serious criminal offense punishable by suspension from any (Spanish) judicial activity for up to twenty years.

Crimes against humanity by Franco’s government

In October 2008, Garzón opened a controversial inquiry into alleged crimes against humanity committed by the Nationalist government during the Spanish Civil War and the years that followed the war. This action was controversial because the offenses were nearly 70 years old, previous to the concept of crimes against humanity, and a 1977 general amnesty act barred any investigations related to criminal offenses with a political aim previous to 1976. In 2008 the inquiry was suspended. In September 2009, a fascist trade union called "Manos limpias" (Clean Hands) filed a lawsuit against Garzón alleging that Garzón had abused his judicial authority by opening the inquiry. Manos Limpias is a "far-right group," according to the New York Times.[29] Garzón denied any wrongdoing.[30]

In April 2010, Garzón was indicted by the Spanish Supreme Court for prevarication for arbitrarily changing his juridical criteria to engineer the case in order to bypass the law limiting his jurisdiction.[31][32] If convicted, he could have been barred from his duties for 20 years. Garzón's indictment has been highly divisive within Spain and controversial abroad.[33] Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch condemned the indictment, and The New York Times published an editorial supporting him, whereas The Wall Street Journal condemned Garzón's proceedings in an editorial supporting the rule of law.[34] There were public protests in Spain from left wing organizations supporting Garzón.[35][36]

The International Commission of Jurists considers that his short-lived inquiry did not justify disciplinary action, let alone criminal prosecution, adding that the prosecution of judges for carrying out their professional work was "an inappropriate and unwarranted interference with the independence of the judicial process".[30]

On 24 April 2010 Garzón presented an appeal to the Supreme Court against the judge investigating the case, Luciano Varela for giving advice to the plaintiffs about the errors in their documents. Garzón accused the judge of partiality, in having "a direct interest in the proceedings and bias in the action" and having "worked closely with the plaintiffs by offering counsel or legal advice" intended help the complainants to correct a defect in their series of indictments to meet a deadline, an action which he defined as "atypical, extra-judicial and prejudicial to one of the parties" (i.e. him, as the accused). According to Garzón, "intervention by the instructing judge is not protected under any provision of the current legal procedural rules and is clearly unrelated to the substantive rules of Spanish court procedure".[37] Luciano Varela accepted the appeal and temporarily stepped out from the case until the Supreme Court rules on the appeal.

On 11 May 2010 Luis Moreno-Ocampo, chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) requested that the Judiciary of Spain might assign Garzón as a consultant to the ICC for six months,[38] which would have allowed General Council of the Judicial Power of Spain (La Comisión Permanente Extraordinaria del Consejo General del Poder Juidicial or CGPJ) to avoid suspending Garzón during the impending trial for investigating crimes committed during the Francisco Franco era.

In response, Judge Varela bought forward his conclusion that Garzón should stand trial, and the CGPJ rejected the request of the ICC on the basis that it appeared to be simply a personal request by Moreno-Ocampo, rather than an official ICC invitation. On Friday 14 May 2010 Garzón was duly suspended from judicial activity[3] (with pay) 'as a precaution, pending judgment' as a result of the decision of Judge Varela, which suspension is formally required by Spanish law. The CGPC subsequently declared that it would require five different certificates ('informes' in Spanish) to release Garzón to the ICC as a consultant for six months during his period of suspension from judicial activity. These were:[39]

José Manuel Gómez Begresista, the president of the CGPJ's Commission for Studies and Reports, impugned each of the above five conditions, which he characterized as 'ridiculous' since Garzón had previously been assigned to such work, and no immunity from Spanish law attaches thereto. He went on to state that the decision taken by the CGPJ "lacked any legal grounds whatsoever".[40]

Later that day, the CGPJ authorised the assignment of Garzón to the ICC.

Coincidentally, on the same day, The Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg delivered final judgement in the case Vassili Kononov v. Latvia No. 36376/04, on 17 May 2010.[41]

The Russian Federation had maintained that any prosecution of the applicant was statute-barred, as supported by the dissenting opinion of Judge Costa joined by Judges Kalaydjieva and Poalelungi, which is essentially analogous to the basis of the prosecution of Garzón: under "Article 15 of the European Convention on Human Rights no derogation is permissible and in conclusion, [the dissident judges] consider that, in respect of Article 7 of the European Convention on Human Rights

However, in the prevailing and joint concurring opinion of judges Rozakis, Tulkens, Spielmann and Jebens, (Para No. 6 "the right approach, [] is that Article 7 of the Convention and the principles it enshrines require that in a rule-of-law system anyone considering carrying out a particular act should be able, by reference to the legal rules defining crimes and the corresponding penalties, to determine whether or not the act in question constitutes a crime and what penalty he or she faces if it is carried out. Hence no one can speak of retroactive application of substantive law, when a person is convicted, even belatedly, on the basis of rules existing at the time of the commission of the act." [42] Since the Spanish State of Franco had laws against kidnapping and killing, it might be difficult to argue that these acts were legal, even if they were directed by (Francoist) state officials, particularly as Garzón convicted the PSOE government officials promoting the GAL assassination squads.

Impartiality questions

On 17 December 2010 Garzón challenged five of the seven Supreme Court justices that could be appointed to judge him for his activities in respect of the exhumation of Franco victims.[43]

He alleges that Juan Saavedra, Adolfo Prego Oliver, Joaquin Giménez, Francisco and Juan Ramon Berdugo Monterde should be disqualified from officiating in any way because they have participated in pre-trial activities and thus may have an interest in the outcome that might affect their impartiality. These five judges have intervened in the investigation of the case, and the defence claims that consequently – and according to a strict interpretation of the principle of nemo iudex in causa sua – such intervention demonstrates these five judges an indirect interest in the outcome of the process.

The background to this case is that conservative opinion generally asserts that "the dictatorship" is past, and exhuming its less savoury activities is injurious to modern Spanish political interests (as may be Garzón's extraterritorial attempts to accuse foreign nationals of crimes against humanity).

Certainly founding members of the People's Party, such as Manuel Fraga, were members of Franco's government, and there may be a fear that the more aggressively socialist opposition may wish to use these exhumations to imply thereby the intentions of modern Spanish political leaders may be less than entirely democratic, and that established political entities may seek to influence the course of justice (for example – between 2005–2010 – when the PP and PSOE denied the Spanish Senate the necessary majority to approve fresh judges for the Constitutional Court of Spain)[44]

Banco Santander corruption allegation

The allegation is that Garzón dropped (adjourned sine die) a case against the director of Santander, Emilio Botín, in return for payment for some courses sponsored by the bank in New York between 2005 and 2006.[45]

This appeal to the Supreme Court follows a charge previously archived by the criminal court on 27 November 2006, since the alleged 1.2 million euro fee was deemed by the lower court to be in fact 216,000 euros, which was not paid to Garzón, but to the university foundation.[46]

This Supreme Court corruption case against Garzón was archived[47] on 13 February 2012, on the next but one working day after Garzón's conviction for bugging the Gürtel corruption suspects.

The Supreme Court Investigating Judge insisted that there was clear evidence of wrongdoing involving some 2.5 million US$, but, because the complaint was originally laid on 12 June 2009, but the last payment was made in May 2006 the 3-year statute of limitations relating to the Supreme Court had been exceeded by 25 days. It was not clear why the case, previously archived by a provincial court on 27 November 2006 was not referred back to the lower court where a 15-year statute of limitations applies provided there is disclosure of 'further and better evidence'which might then lead to a jury trial.[48]

Supreme Court trial

On 9 February 2012, the Supreme Court ruled that judge Baltasar Garzón was guilty of illegally ordering the placement of wiretaps in jailhouses to record conversations between inmates and their lawyers in a case of corruption. Under Spanish law, such wiretaps are only expressly permitted for terrorism cases and the legality of their use in other cases is more vague. The Supreme Court also barred Garzón from the legal profession for 11 years. The court said: "Garzón's methods are typical of totalitarian countries, without any respect of the right of defence." [49] Since Garzon can not appeal the charges, his career as a judge is likely to have ended.[50] He was also fined €2,500.[51] People protested the trial and ruling outside the court with banners calling for "justice" and photos of the people said to have been killed by the Franco regime.[52] Many other judges also came out in support of Garzón.

Given the severity of the accusations against the Supreme Court, a large number of persons and institutions issued statements in support of the ruling. The progressive Judges for Democracy association stated that "The Supreme Court and any other criminal court can only be asked to apply the law and respect the presumption of innocence. This must be both in determining the facts and in interpreting the norm. Whether or not one agrees with the Court's decision and the interpretation on which it is founded, we must state that the Supreme Court has ruled in this context and should not be disqualified as such an institution for it.[53] Margarita Robles, member of the General Council of the Judiciary and former Subsecretary of State with the socialist government, said that the Supreme Court ruling was "legally impeccable" and had been produced as part of a procedure "with all the guarantees."[54] It was later revealed that the Supreme Court had made a mistake in sentencing by overlooking the fact the Garzón had been suspended for nearly a year in the period 2010/2011 solely on the basis of his pending trial on a charge relating to his investigation of Francoist atrocities, a charge on which he was subsequently cleared.[55]

Allegations of politicisation of the judiciary

In June 2010 Garzón was recruited as a consultant to the ICC.

At the end of October 2010, the re-election of Judge Juan Saavedra to the Spanish Supreme Court Penal Division reactivated the three judicial processes against Garzón. The re-appointment of a right-wing judge may have suggested to the Spanish legal authorities that the complaints had sufficient weight to merit continuing the domestic process despite the rulings in the European Court of Human Rights cited above.[56]

The alleged "political colonisation"[57] of the Spanish judiciary is an increasingly recurrent theme in the Spanish centre/left-wing media. More than 1,500 Spanish judges earlier this year criticised the influence of the major parties in the decisions of the Supreme Judicial Council (CGPJ) via a manifesto that for the first time exposed publicly what was claimed to be a long-standing open secret among Spanish lawyers.[58]

In a 2011 book Garzón admitted that he had at times exceeded the provisions of domestic Spanish legislation, but quoted external sources, including international treaties, to explain his behavior.[59]

Other work

In July 2012, WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange recruited Garzón as head of his legal team.[60][61]

In September 2012, Garzón wrote a landmark article in The Journal Jurisprudence outlining his views on sexual violence during wartimes.[62]

Awards and honors

This list is incomplete; you can help by expanding it.

Garzón was awarded 22 Honoris Causa Doctoral Degrees in 10 years, between 1999 and November 2009. the first 21 by non-Spanish academic institutions during the period 1999 – 2008: 16 from Spanish-speaking countries, (Argentina, Ecuador, Bolivia, Chile, Mexico), 2 from the U.S.A., 2 from England, 1 from Belgium. His 22nd "Honoris Causa" Doctoral Degree award was awarded by the University of Jaén, on 9 November 2009, the first one to be received in Spain.


See also


  1. Dyer, Clare (13 January 2000). "Extradition refused". London: Guardian. Retrieved 23 August 2012.
  2. Robertson, Geoffrey, Crimes Against Humanity. Penguin Books, 2006. Ppg. 336-7.
  3. 1 2 "Controversial Spain judge suspended over war probe" Reuters Accessed 15 May 2010
  4. "El Supremo rechaza apartar a un juez recusado por Manos Limpias". El País ( (in Spanish). EFE. January 2012. Retrieved 13 February 2012.
  5. Garrido, Marta (January 2012). "Garzon, a "cancer" on Spanish justice". Radio Netherlands Worldwide. Retrieved 18 August 2012.
  6. Tremlett, Giles (February 2012). "Trial of judge Baltasar Garzón splits a Spain still suffering civil war wounds". The Observer ( London.
  7. "Crusading Spanish Judge Baltasar Garzón is suspended". BBC News. May 2010. Retrieved 18 August 2012.
  8. Hernández, J (2010). "El Poder Judicial...". El País. Retrieved 22 August 2012.
  9. "Los fundamentos de uno de los fallos más discutidos de la historia de España" (in Spanish). Retrieved 13 February 2012.
  10. "Spain's leading human rights judge Baltasar Garzon convicted of wiretapping". The Daily Telegraph. London. 9 February 2012. Retrieved 20 February 2012.
  11. Abend, Lisa (12 February 2012). "Sentencing Spain's 'Superjudge': Why Baltasar Garzón Is Being Punished". Time.
  12. "Court drops case against Spain's best-known judge". CNN International Edition. 13 February 2012.
  13. Tremlett (27 February 2012). "Baltasar Garzón cleared over his Franco-era crimes inquiry". London: Guardian newspapers UK.
  14. Tremlett (10 February 2012). "Baltasar Garzón has limited options after guilty verdict". The Guardian. London.
  15. "Garzón pide la nulidad de la condena al Tribunal Supremo" (in Spanish). Retrieved 23 February 2012.
  16. Hamilos, Paul (6 March 2008). "Judge Baltasar Garzón". The Guardian. London. Retrieved 26 April 2010.
  17. Alasdair Fotheringham (18 January 2012). "Judge who arrested Pinochet now finds himself in the dock". The Independent. Madrid. Retrieved 5 September 2013.
  18. Fuchs, Dale, "Crusading Judge Orders Inquiry Into Franco Era", New York Times, 17 October 2008
  19. Tremlett, (October 2008),"Franco repression ruled as a crime against humanity", The Guardian (UK)
  20. Burnett, Victoria, "Spanish Judge Drops Probe Into Franco Atrocities", The New York Times, 18 November 2008
  21. "Garzón defiende en Valencia las escuchas del caso Gürtel: 'Se ajustan a la legalidad' | Valencia". Retrieved 2013-08-01.
  22. CNN, 18 April 2002, "Spanish judge seeks Kissinger"
  23. TRIAL (Track Impunity Always)
  24. Michael Seamark (8 March 2008). "'British' Guantanamo suspects 'too ill to stand trial in Spain', judge rules". Daily Mail. UK. Archived from the original on 26 April 2009. Retrieved 29 March 2009.
  25. "Spain may decide Guantanamo probe this week". Reuters. 28 March 2009. Archived from the original on 26 April 2009. Retrieved 29 March 2009.
  26. Daniel Woolls (5 May 2009). "Spanish judge asks US if it will probe torture". Associated Press. Archived from the original on 5 May 2009.
  27. "Spanish Judge Opens Probe into Guantanamo Torture", Agence France Presse, 29 April 2009
  28. Andy Worthington (8 September 2009). "Spanish Judge Resumes Torture Case Against Six Senior Bush Lawyers". Huffington Post. Archived from the original on 8 September 2009.
  29. Truth on Trial in Spain | url=
  30. 1 2 "Spanish judge faces Supreme Court" BBC 9 September 2009
  31. "El Tribunal Supremo imputa al juez Garzón por prevaricación | España". Retrieved 2013-08-01.
  32. "El Tribunal Supremo admite la querella de Manos Limpias contra Garzón por prevaricación | Diario YA". Retrieved 2013-08-01.
  33. Crusading Spanish Judge Is Indicted for Franco Probe, Dana Kennedy, AOL, 8 April 2010
  34. A 'Torture' Judge's Comeuppance The Wall Street Journal 12 April 2010,
  35. The Observer, 25 April 2010, Charismatic judge who pursued Spain's fascist assassins finds himself on trial
  36. The New York Times 8 April 2010, An Injustice in Spain
  37. Agencia EFE (24 April 2010). 20 minutos publicado bajo licencia CC-BY-SA 2.1., ed. "Garzón recusa a Varela por "parcialidad" en la causa abierta contra él en el Supremo". Archived from the original on 28 April 2010. Retrieved 24 April 2010.
  38. "El Poder Judicial suspende a Baltasar Garzón por investigar los crímenes del franquismo". El País. 2010-05-11. Retrieved 2010-05-15.
  39. Radio & TV de España (2010-03-01). "El CGPJ aplaza decidir sobre el traslado de Garzón y pide consejo a la Sala del Supremo que lo juzga". Noticias de 15 Mayo 2010. Radio & TV de España. Retrieved 2010-05-15.
  40. "Un vocal del Consejo impugna varias decisiones contra Garzón". Noticias de 17 Mayo 2010. El País (Printed edition, page 34). 2010-05-17. Retrieved 2010-05-17. |first1= missing |last1= in Authors list (help)
  41. "Grand Chamber judgment in case Kononov v. Latvia". European Court of Human Rights. 17 May 2010. Retrieved 19 May 2010.
  42. "Garzón recusa a cinco de los siete jueces que le juzgarán". El País. 2010-12-18. Retrieved 21 December 2010.
  43. "PSOE y PP desbloquean la renovación del Tribunal Constitucional en el Senado" (in Spanish). El Mundo newspaper (Madrid Spain). 2010-09-29. Retrieved 21 December 2010.
  44. La Nueva España (Spanish)
  45. (Spanish)
  46. Template:Quote news
  47. "(ampliación) el supremo archiva la causa contra garzón por los cobros de nueva york, a pesar de ver delito" (in Spanish). Retrieved 13 February 2012.
  48. Spanish Judge Baltasar Garzón Tells the Story of the Arrest of Chile's Augusto Pinochet -
  49. "Spain: Judge Baltasar Garzón convicted for wiretapping". BBC News. 9 February 2012. Retrieved 9 February 2012.
  50. "Spanish judge Baltasar Garzón found guilty in wiretapping case". The Guardian. UK. 9 February 2012. Retrieved 9 February 2012.
  51. "Spanish court convicts judge Baltasar Garzón". Aljazeera. 9 February 2012. Retrieved 9 February 2012.
  52. "Comunicado JpD sobre sentencia Garzón" (Press release). Jueces para la Democracia. 10 February 2012. Retrieved 17 August 2012.
  53. "Robles sobre Garzón: "La sentencia es impecable"". Deia. 10 February 2012.
  54. "El Supremo se equivoca". Público. Retrieved 16 August 2012.
  55. JULIO M. LÁZARO; JOSÉ YOLDI (2010-10-31). "El Supremo maneja los tiempos para que Garzón pague antes por la Gürtel" (in Spanish). El País. Retrieved 5 November 2010.
  56. Murado, Miguel-Anxo (2010-04-09). "Spanish justice on trial". The Guardian, London. Retrieved 5 November 2010.
  57. Morán, Unai (2010-11-04). "Sombras políticas en la Justicia" (in Spanish). El País. Retrieved 5 November 2010.
  58. Garzón, Baltasar (2011). La fuerza de la razón [The Power of Reason] (in Spanish). Barcelona: Debate. ISBN 978-84-9992-032-0.
  59. Cask J. Thomson (25 July 2012). "WikiLeaks cash-strapped as Visa and MasterCard ban donations. Assange Recruits Spanish Jurist". Retrieved 1 August 2013.
  60. "Spanish jurist Garzon at forefront of Wikileaks fight". Euronews. Retrieved 18 August 2012.
  61. "The Journal Jurisprudence". Jurisprudence. Retrieved 1 August 2013.

External links

This article is issued from Wikipedia - version of the 11/10/2016. The text is available under the Creative Commons Attribution/Share Alike but additional terms may apply for the media files.