Taíno

This article is about the Taíno people. For the language, see Taíno language. For other uses, see Taíno (disambiguation).
Taíno

Statue of Agüeybaná II, "El Bravo", in Ponce, Puerto Rico
Total population
Ancestral to mestizo population
Regions with significant populations
Cuba, Dominican Republic, Haiti, Jamaica, Puerto Rico
Languages
Taíno
Religion
Indigenous

The Taíno people were among the indigenous people of the Caribbean and Florida. At the time of European contact in the late 15th century, they were the principal inhabitants of most of Cuba, Trinidad, Jamaica, Hispaniola (Haiti and the Dominican Republic), and Puerto Rico. In the Greater Antilles, the northern Lesser Antilles, and the Bahamas, they were known as the Lucayans. They speak the Taíno language, one of the Arawakan languages.

The ancestors of the Taíno entered the Caribbean from South America and their culture is closely linked to that of Mesoamericans.[1] At the time of contact, the Taíno were divided into three broad groups, known as the Western Taíno (Jamaica, most of Cuba, and the Bahamas), the Classic Taíno (Hispaniola and Puerto Rico) and the Eastern Taíno (northern Lesser Antilles), and other groups of Taíno nations of Florida, such as the Tequesta, Calusa, Jaega, Ais, and others. Taíno groups were in conflict with the Caribs of the southern Lesser Antilles.

At the time of Columbus' arrival in 1492, there were five Taíno chiefdoms and territories on Hispaniola, each led by a principal Cacique (chieftain), to whom tribute was paid. Ayiti ("land of high mountains") was the indigenous Taíno name for the island of Hispaniola, which (on the Western side) has retained its name as Haïti in French.

Cuba, the largest island of the Antilles, was originally divided into 29 chiefdoms. Most of the native settlements later became the site of Spanish colonial cities retaining the original Taíno names, including Havana, Batabanó, Camagüey, Baracoa, and Bayamo.[2] The name Cuba comes from the Taíno language, although the exact meaning of the name is unclear. It can be translated as "where fertile land is abundant" (cubao), or a "great place" (coabana).

Puerto Rico also was divided into chiefdoms. As the hereditary head chief of Taíno nation, the cacique received significant tribute. At the time of the Spanish conquest, the largest Taíno population centers may have had more than 3,000 people each.[3]

The Taíno were historically enemies of the neighboring Carib nations, a different group which also had its origins in South America and lived mainly in the Lesser Antilles.[4] The relationship between the rival groups has been the subject of many studies. For much of the 15th century, the Taíno tribe was being driven to the northeast in the Caribbean because of raids by the Carib. Women were taken as captives, resulting in many Carib women speaking Taíno.[5]

The Spaniards who arrived in the Bahamas, Cuba, and Hispaniola in 1492, and later in Puerto Rico, did not bring women on their first expeditions. Instead, they raped Taíno women, resulting in mestizo children.[6] The rape of Taíno women in Hispaniola by the Spanish was also common.[7][8] Scholars suggest there was also substantial mestizaje (racial and cultural mixing) in Cuba, and several Indian pueblos survived into the 19th century.

The Taíno became nearly extinct as a culture following settlement by Spanish colonists, primarily due to infectious diseases for which they had no immunity. The first recorded smallpox outbreak in Hispaniola was in either December 1518 or January 1519.[9] This smallpox epidemic killed almost 90% of the Native Americans who had not already perished.[10] Warfare and harsh enslavement by the colonists also caused many deaths.[11] By 1548, the Taíno population had declined to fewer than 500. Starting in about 1840, there have been attempts to create a quasi-indigenous Taíno identity in rural areas of Cuba, the Dominican Republic, and Puerto Rico. This trend accelerated among the Puerto Rican community in the mainland United States in the 1960s.[12] At the 2010 U.S. census, 1,098 people in Puerto Rico identified themselves as "Puerto Rican Indian," 1,410 identified as "Spanish American Indian," and 9,399 identified as "Taíno." In total, 35,856 Puerto Ricans considered themselves Native American.[13]

Terminology

Reconstruction of a Taíno village in Cuba

The name was derived from the Arawakan word for cassava flour, a staple of their diet. The Taíno people, or Taíno culture, has been classified by some authorities as belonging to the Arawak, as their language was considered to belong to the Arawak language family, the languages of which were present throughout the Caribbean, and much of Central and South America. The early ethnohistorian Daniel Garrison Brinton called the Taíno people the "Island Arawak".[14] Nevertheless, contemporary scholars have recognized that the Taíno had developed a distinct language and culture.

Taíno and Arawak appellations have been used with numerous and contradictory meanings by writers, travelers, historians, linguists, and anthropologists. Often they were used interchangeably; "Taíno" has been applied to the Greater Antillean nation only, or including the Bahamian nations, or adding the Leeward Islands nations, or all those excluding the Puerto Rican and Leeward nations. Similarly, "Island Taíno" has been used to refer to those living in the Windward Islands only, to the northern Caribbean inhabitants only, as well as to the population of the entire Caribbean.

Modern historians, linguists and anthropologists now hold that the term Taíno should refer to all the Taíno/Arawak nations except for the Caribs, who are not seen to belong to the same people. Linguists continue to debate whether the Carib language is an Arawakan dialect or creole language, or perhaps an individual language, with an Arawakan pidgin used for communication purposes.

Rouse classifies as Taíno all inhabitants of the Greater Antilles (except the western tip of Cuba), the Bahamian archipelago, and the northern Lesser Antilles. He subdivides the Taíno into three main groups: Classic Taíno, mostly from Haiti, Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic; Western Taíno, or sub-Taíno, for population from Jamaica, Cuba (except for the western tip) and the Bahamian archipelago; and Eastern Taíno for those from the Virgin Islands to Montserrat.[15]

Origins

Two schools of thought have emerged regarding the origin of the indigenous people of the Caribbean.

Taíno culture as documented is believed to have developed in the Caribbean. The Taíno creation story says that they emerged from caves in a sacred mountain on present-day Hispaniola.[19] In Puerto Rico, 21st century studies have shown a high proportion of people having Amerindian MtDNA. Of the two major haplotypes found, one does not exist in the Taíno ancestral group, so other Amerindian people are also part of this genetic ancestry.[17]

Culture

Dujo, a wooden chair crafted by Taínos.

Taíno society was divided into two classes: naborias (commoners) and nitaínos (nobles). These were governed by male chiefs known as caciques, who were advised by priests/healers known as bohiques. Caciques enjoyed the privilege of wearing golden pendants called guanín, living in square bohíos, instead of the round ones of ordinary villagers, and sitting on wooden stools to be above the guests they received.[20] Bohiques were extolled for their healing powers and ability to speak with gods. They were consulted and granted the Taíno permission to engage in important tasks.

The Taíno had a matrilineal system of kinship, descent and inheritance. When a male heir was not present, the inheritance or succession would go to the oldest male child of the deceased's sister. The Taíno had avunculocal post-marital residence, meaning a newly married couple lived in the household of the maternal uncle. He was more important in the lives of his niece's children than their biological father; the uncle introduced the boys to men's societies. Some Taíno practiced polygamy. Men, and sometimes women, might have two or three spouses. A few caciques had as many as 30 wives.

The Taíno women were highly skilled in agriculture. The people depended on it, but the men also fished and hunted. They made fishing nets and ropes from cotton and palm. Their dugout canoes (kanoa) were made in various sizes, which could hold from 2 to 150 people. An average-sized canoe would hold about 15–20 people. They used bows and arrows for hunting, and developed the use of poisons on their arrowheads.

A frequently worn hair style for women featured bangs in front and longer hair in back. They sometimes wore gold jewelry, paint, and/or shells. Taíno men sometimes wore short skirts. Taíno women wore a similar garment (nagua) after marriage.

The Taíno lived in settlements called yucayeques, which varied in size depending on the location. Those in Puerto Rico and Hispaniola were the largest, and those in the Bahamas were the smallest. In the center of a typical village was a central plaza, used for various social activities such as games, festivals, religious rituals, and public ceremonies. These plazas had many shapes, including oval, rectangular, and narrow and elongated. Ceremonies where the deeds of the ancestors were celebrated, called areitos, were performed here.[21]

Often, the general population lived in large circular buildings (bohios), constructed with wooden poles, woven straw, and palm leaves. These houses, built surrounding the central plaza, could hold 10-15 families each. The cacique and his family lived in rectangular buildings (caney) of similar construction, with wooden porches. Taíno home furnishings included cotton hammocks (hamaca), sleeping and sitting mats made of palms, wooden chairs (dujo or duho) with woven seats, platforms, and cradles for children.

Caguana Ceremonial ball court (batey), outlined with stones.

The Taíno played a ceremonial ball game called batey. Opposing teams had 10 to 30 players per team and used a solid rubber ball. Normally, the teams were composed of men, but occasionally women played the game as well.[22] The Classic Taíno played in the village's center plaza or on especially designed rectangular ball courts called batey. Games on the batey are believed to have been used for conflict resolution between communities. The most elaborate ball courts are found at chiefdoms' boundaries.[23] Often, chiefs made wagers on the possible outcome of a game.[22]

Taíno spoke an Arawakan language and used an early form of writing Proto-writing in the form of petroglyph.[24] Some of the words used by them, such as barbacoa ("barbecue"), hamaca ("hammock"), kanoa ("canoe"), tabaco ("tobacco"), yuca, batata ("sweet potato"), and juracán ("hurricane"), have been incorporated into Spanish and English.

For warfare, the men made wooden war clubs, which they called a macana. It was about one inch thick and was similar to the coco macaque.

Food and agriculture

Cassava (yuca) roots, the Taínos' main crop

Taíno staples included vegetables, fruit, meat, and fish. There were no large animals native to the Caribbean, but they captured and ate small animals, such as hutias and other mammals, earthworms, lizards, turtles, and birds. Manatees were speared and fish were caught in nets, speared, trapped in weirs, or caught with hook and line. Wild parrots were decoyed with domesticated birds, and iguanas were taken from trees and other vegetation. The Taíno stored live animals until they were ready to be consumed: fish and turtles were stored in weirs, and hutias and dogs were stored in corrals.[25]

Due to this lack of large game, the Taíno people became very skilled fishermen. One technique was to hook a remora, also known as a suckerfish, to a line secured to a canoe and wait for the fish to attach itself to a larger fish or even a sea turtle. Once this happened, men would jump into the water and bring in their assisted catch. Another method used by the Taínos was to take shredded stems and roots of poisonous senna shrubs and throw them into nearby streams or rivers. Upon eating the bait, the fish were stunned just long enough to allow the fishermen to gather them in. This poison did not affect the edibility of the fish. Taíno youth, mostly young boys, also collected mussels and oysters in shallow waters and within the mangroves.[26]

Taíno groups in the more developed islands, such as Puerto Rico, Hispaniola, and Jamaica, relied more on agriculture (farming and other jobs). Fields for important root crops, such as the staple yuca, were prepared by heaping up mounds of soil, called conucos. This improved soil drainage and fertility as well as delaying erosion, allowing for longer storage of crops in the ground. Less important crops such as corn were raised in simple clearings created by slash and burn technique. Typically, conucos were three feet high and nine feet in circumference and were arranged in rows.[27] The primary root crop was yuca/cassava, a woody shrub cultivated for its edible and starchy tuberous root. It was planted using a coa, a kind of hoe made completely from wood. Women processed the poisonous variety of cassava by squeezing it to extract the toxic juices. Then they would grind the roots into flour for baking bread. Batata (sweet potato) was the next most important root crop.[27]

Contrary to mainland practices, corn was not ground into flour and baked into bread, but was cooked and eaten off the cob. Corn bread becomes moldy faster than cassava bread in the high humidity of the Caribbean. Corn was also used to make an alcoholic beverage known as chicha.[28] The Taíno grew squash, beans, peppers, peanuts, and pineapples. Tobacco, calabashes (West Indian pumpkins) and cotton were grown around the houses. Other fruits and vegetables, such as palm nuts, guavas, and Zamia roots, were collected from the wild.[27]

Spirituality

Taíno zemí sculpture from Walters Art Museum.

Taíno spirituality centered on the worship of zemís. A zemí is a spirit or ancestor (the word "god" is a misnomer but will be used henceforth for better understanding). The major Taíno gods are Yúcahu and Atabey. Yúcahu,[29] which means spirit of cassava, was the god of cassava – the Taínos' main crop – and the sea. Atabey,[30] mother of Yúcahu, was the goddess of the moon, fresh waters and fertility.

The minor Taíno gods related to the growing of cassava, the process of life, creation and death. Baibrama was a minor god worshiped for his assistance in growing cassava and curing people from its poisonous juice. Boinayel and his twin brother Márohu were the gods of rain and fair weather, respectively.[31] Guabancex was the non-nurturing aspect of the goddess Atabey who had control over natural disasters. Juracán is often identified as the god of storms but the word simply means hurricane in the Taíno language. Guabancex had two assistants: Guataubá, a messenger who created hurricane winds, and Coatrisquie who created floodwaters.[32]

Maquetaurie Guayaba or Maketaori Guayaba was the god of Coaybay or Coabey, the land of the dead. Opiyelguabirán', a dog-shaped god, watched over the dead. Deminán Caracaracol, a male cultural hero from which the Taíno believed themselves to be descended, was worshipped as a zemí.[31] Macocael was a cultural hero worshipped as a god, who had failed to guard the mountain from which human beings arose. He was punished by being turned into stone, or a bird, a frog, or a reptile, depending on interpretation of the myth.

Zemí, a physical object housing a god, spirit, or ancestor
Lombards Museum

Zemí was also the name the people gave to their physical representations of the gods, whether objects or drawings. They were made in many forms and materials and have been found in a variety of settings. The majority of zemís were crafted from wood but stone, bone, shell, pottery, and cotton were also used.[33] Zemí petroglyphs were carved on rocks in streams, ball courts, and on stalagmites in caves. Cemí pictographs were found on secular objects such as pottery, and on tattoos. Yucahú, the god of cassava, was represented with a three-pointed zemí, which could be found in conucos to increase the yield of cassava. Wood and stone zemís have been found in caves in Hispaniola and Jamaica.[34] Cemís are sometimes represented by toads, turtles, fishes, snakes, and various abstract and human-like faces.

Cohoba Spoon, 1200-1500 Brooklyn Museum
Rock petroglyph overlaid with chalk in the Caguana Indigenous Ceremonial Center in Utuado, Puerto Rico.

Some zemís are accompanied by a small table or tray, which is believed to be a receptacle for hallucinogenic snuff called cohoba, prepared from the beans of a species of Piptadenia tree. These trays have been found with ornately carved snuff tubes. Before certain ceremonies, Taínos would purify themselves, either by inducing vomiting with a swallowing stick or by fasting.[35] After communal bread was served, first to the zemí, then to the cacique, and then to the common people, the people would sing the village epic to the accompaniment of maraca and other instruments.

One Taíno oral tradition explains that the Sun and Moon come out of caves. Another story tells of people who once lived in caves and only came out at night, because it was believed that the Sun would transform them. The Taíno believed they were descended from the union of Deminán Caracaracol and a female turtle. The origin of the oceans is described in the story of a huge flood, which occurred when a father murdered his son (who was about to murder the father). The father put the son's bones into a gourd or calabash. When the bones turned into fish, the gourd broke, and all the water of the world came pouring out.

Taínos believed that Jupias, the souls of the dead, would go to Coaybay, the underworld, and there they rest by day. At night they would assume the form of bats and eat the guava fruit.

Spaniards and Taíno

Columbus and his crew, landing on an island in the Bahamas on October 12, 1492, were the first Europeans to encounter the Taíno people. Columbus described the Taínos as a physically tall, well-proportioned people, with a noble and kind personality.

Columbus wrote:

They traded with us and gave us everything they had, with good will ... they took great delight in pleasing us ... They are very gentle and without knowledge of what is evil; nor do they murder or steal...Your highness may believe that in all the world there can be no better people ... They love their neighbours as themselves, and they have the sweetest talk in the world, and are gentle and always laughing.
— [36]

At this time, the neighbors of the Taíno were the Guanahatabeys in the western tip of Cuba, the Island-Caribs in the Lesser Antilles from Guadeloupe to Grenada, and the Timacua and Ais nations of Florida. The Taíno called the island Guanahaní which Columbus renamed as San Salvador (Spanish for "Holy Savior"). Columbus called the Taíno "Indians", a reference that has grown to encompass all the indigenous peoples of the Western Hemisphere. A group of Taíno people accompanied Columbus on his return voyage back to Spain.[37]

On Columbus' second voyage, he began to require tribute from the Taíno in Hispaniola. According to Kirkpatrick Sale, each adult over 14 years of age was expected to deliver a hawks bell full of gold every three months, or when this was lacking, twenty-five pounds of spun cotton. If this tribute was not brought, the Spanish cut off the hands of the Taíno and left them to bleed to death.[38] These cruel practices inspired many revolts by the Taíno and campaigns against the Spanish —some being successful, some not.

In 1511, several caciques in Puerto Rico, such as Agüeybaná II, Arasibo, Hayuya, Jumacao, Urayoán, Guarionex, and Orocobix, allied with the Carib and tried to oust the Spaniards. The revolt was suppressed by the Indio-Spanish forces of Governor Juan Ponce de León.[39] Hatuey, a Taíno chieftain who had fled from Hispaniola to Cuba with 400 natives to unite the Cuban natives, was burned at the stake on February 2, 1512.

In Hispaniola, a Taíno chieftain named Enriquillo mobilized over 3,000 Taíno in a successful rebellion in the 1520s. These Taíno were accorded land and a charter from the royal administration. Despite the small Spanish military presence in the region, they often used diplomatic divisions and, with help from powerful native allies, controlled most of the region.[40][41] In exchange for a seasonal salary, religious and language education, the Taíno were required to work for Spanish and Indian land owners. This system of labor was part of the encomienda.

Women

Taíno society was based on a matriarchal system, meaning that descent was traced through the mother and that women lived together with other women and their children apart from the men. Because of this Taíno women seem to have had a lot of control over their lives, their co-villagers and their bodies.[42] Since they lived separately from men, they were able to decide when they wanted to involve in sexual contact. This is in part what shaped the views of conquistadors who came in contact with Taíno culture. They reportedly perceived women as “macho women” who had strong control over the men.

Most historical evidence suggests that, although unclear, it seems that Taíno gender roles were non exclusive to most of the activities done in their community.

Taíno women played an important role in intercultural interaction between Spaniards and the Taino people. When Taíno men were fighting intervention from other groups, women were left back home turning into the primary food producers or ritual specialists.[43] Women seem to have participated in all levels of the Taíno political hierarchy, they went up to occupy roles as high up as being caciques.[44] This meant that Taíno women could potentially give permission to other Taíno men and women to take on important tasks and that they could too make important choices for the village.[45] There is evidence that suggests that the women who were wealthier among the tribe collected crafted goods that they would then use for trade or as gifts.

Despite women being seemingly independent in Taíno society, coming into the era of contact Spaniards took Taíno women as an exchange item, putting them in the position of playing a role in diplomacy, but reportedly not an autonomous one. Dr. Chanca, a physician who traveled with Christopher Columbus, reported in a letter that Spaniards took as many women as they possibly could and kept them as concubines.[46] Some sources report that, despite women being free and powerful before the contact era, they somehow became the first commodities up for Spaniards to trade, or often times stole. This marked the beginning of a lifetime of theft and abuse of Taíno women.[47]

Depopulation

Early population estimates of Hispaniola, probably the most populous island inhabited by Taínos, range from 100,000 to 1,000,000 people. The maximum estimates for Jamaica and Puerto Rico are 600,000 people.[48] The Spanish priest Bartolomé de las Casas (who had lived in Santo Domingo) wrote in his 1561 multi-volume History of the Indies:[49]

There were 60,000 people living on this island [when I arrived in 1508], including the Indians; so that from 1494 to 1508, over three million people had perished from war, slavery and the mines. Who in future generations will believe this?

Researchers today doubt Las Casas's figures for the pre-contact levels of the Taíno population, considering them an exaggeration. For example, Anderson Córdova estimates a maximum of 500,000 people inhabiting the island.[50] The Taíno population estimates vary a great deal, from a few hundred thousand up to 8,000,000.[51] They had no resistance to Old World diseases, notably smallpox.[52] The encomienda system brought many Taíno to work in the fields and mines in exchange for Spanish protection,[53] education, and a seasonal salary.[54] Under the pretense of searching for gold and other materials,[55] many Spaniards took advantage of the regions now under control of the anaborios and Spanish encomenderos to exploit the native population by stealing their land and wealth. It would take some time before the Taíno revolted against their oppressors — both Indian and Spanish alike — and many military campaigns before Emperor Charles V eradicated the encomienda system as a form of slavery.[56][57]

In thirty years, between 80% and 90% of the Taíno population died.[58] Because of the increased number of people (Spanish) on the island, there was a higher demand for food. Taíno cultivation was converted to Spanish methods. In hopes of frustrating the Spanish, some Taínos refused to plant or harvest their crops. The supply of food became so low in 1495 and 1496 that some 50,000 died from the severity of the famine.[59] Historians have determined that the massive decline was due more to infectious disease outbreaks than any warfare or direct attacks.[60][61] By 1507 their numbers had shrunk to 60,000. Scholars believe that epidemic disease (smallpox, influenza, measles, and typhus) was the overwhelming cause of the population decline of the indigenous people.[62][63][64]

Taíno heritage in modern times

Groups of people currently identify as Taíno, most notably among the Puerto Ricans and Dominicans, both on the islands and on United States mainland.

Some scholars, such as Jalil Sued Badillo, an ethnohistorian at the University of Puerto Rico, assert that although the official Spanish histories speak of the disappearance of the Taínos, many survivors left descendants usually by intermarrying with other ethnic groups. Recent research revealed a high percentage of mixed or tri-racial ancestry in Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic. Those claiming Taíno ancestry also have Spanish ancestry or African ancestry, and often both.

Frank Moya Pons, a Dominican historian, documented that Spanish colonists intermarried with Taíno women. Over time, some of their mixed descendants intermarried with Africans, creating a tri-racial Creole culture. 1514 census records reveal that 40% of Spanish men on the island of Hispaniola had Taíno wives. Ethnohistorian Lynne Guitar writes that the Taíno were declared extinct in Spanish documents as early as the 16th century; however, individual Taínos continued to appear in wills and legal records for several decades after the arrival of the Spaniards.[65]

Evidence suggests that some Taíno men and African women inter-married and lived in relatively isolated Maroon communities in the interior of the islands, where they evolved into a hybrid rural or campesino population with little or no interference from the Spanish authorities. Scholars also note that contemporary rural Dominicans retain Taíno linguistic features, agricultural practices, food ways, medicine, fishing practices, technology, architecture, oral history, and religious views. However, these cultural traits are often looked down upon by urbanites as backwards.[65]

Sixteen “autosomal” studies of peoples in the Spanish-speaking Caribbean and its diaspora (mostly Puerto Ricans) have shown that between 10-20% of their DNA is indigenous, with some individuals having slightly higher scores and others having lower scores or no indigenous DNA at all.[66] A recent study of a population in eastern Puerto Rico where the majority of persons tested claimed Taíno ancestry and pedigree showed that they had 61% mtDNA (distant maternal ancestry) and 0% y-chromosome DNA (distant paternal ancestry) demonstrating as expected that this is a hybrid creole population.[67]

Groups, such as the Jatibonicu Taino Tribal Nation of Boriken Puerto Rico (1970), the Taíno Nation of the Antilles N.Y.C. (1993), United Confederation of Taíno People N.Y.C (1998) and El Pueblo Guatu Ma-Cu A Borikén Puerto Rico (2000), have been established to foster Taíno culture. However, most of these people also claim an exclusive Taíno identity and pedigree, and there is controversy as to whether they represent Taíno culture accurately. Some Taíno groups have been known to 'adopt' other native traditions, mainly North American Plains. Many aspects of Taíno culture have been lost and/or creolized with Spaniard and African cultures over time on the Caribbean Islands. People who claim to be of native descent in the islands of Puerto Rico, Hispaniola and Eastern Cuba have been trying to maintain a cultural connection with their historic identities as part of their efforts to claim Taíno pedigree.

Taíno activists have created two unique writing scripts. The scripts are used to write Spanish, not a retained language from pre-Columbian ancestors.[68] The organization Guaka-kú teaches and uses their script among their own members. The LGTK (Liga Guakía Taína-ké) has promoted teaching their script among elementary and middle school students to strengthen their interest in Taíno identity.

See also

Notes

  1. ↑ http://indigenouscaribbean.ning.com/group/archaeologyofthecircumcaribbean/forum/topics/mounting-evidence-of-mayataino
  2. ↑ Art and Archaeology of Pre-Columbian Cuba
  3. ↑ Taíno Museum. "Taíno". Retrieved 22 June 2016.
  4. ↑ Saunders, Nicholas J. The Peoples of the Caribbean: An Encyclopedia of Archaeology and Traditional Culture. ABC-CLIO, 2005: xi, xv. ISBN 978-1-57607-701-6
  5. ↑ 1492 and Multiculturalism. Archived index at the Wayback Machine.
  6. ↑ Guitar, Lynne. "Criollos: The Birth of a Dynamic New Indo-Afro-European People and Culture on Hispaniola.". Kacike. Archived from the original on 2 December 2008. Retrieved 27 May 2011.
  7. ↑ Léger 1907, p. 23.
  8. ↑ Accilien et al. 2003, p. 12.
  9. ↑ Alfred W. Crosby, The Columbian Exchange Westport, 1972, p. 47.
  10. ↑ Abbot 2010.
  11. ↑ Chrisp 2006, p. 34.
  12. ↑ Alexandra Aikhenvald (2012) Languages of the Amazon, Oxford University Press
  13. ↑ "American Indian and Alaska Native Tribes in the United States and Puerto Rico: 2010 (CPH-T-6)". census.gov. Census bureau. 2010. Retrieved September 14, 2016.
  14. ↑ Daniel Garrison Brinton (1871). "The Arawack language of Guiana in its linguistic and ethnological relations". Retrieved 22 June 2016.
  15. ↑ Rouse 1992, p. 7.
  16. 1 2 Rouse, pp. 30–48.
  17. 1 2 "Mitochondrial DNA analysis reveals substantial Native American ancestry in Puerto Rico", Hum Biol. 2001 Aug;73(4):491-511, at National Library of Medicine, NIH
  18. ↑ Lorena Madrigal, Madrigal (2006). Human biology of Afro-Caribbean populations. Cambridge University Press, 2006. p. 121. ISBN 978-0-521-81931-2.
  19. ↑ Rouse, p. 16.
  20. ↑ "Caciques, nobles and their regalia". elmuseo.org. Archived from the original on 2006-10-09. Retrieved 2006-11-09.
  21. ↑ Rouse, p. 15.
  22. 1 2 Alegría, p.348.
  23. ↑ Rouse, p. 15
  24. ↑ http://www.tainoage.com/meaning.html
  25. ↑ Rouse, p. 13.
  26. ↑ Jacobs, Francine (1992). The Taínos: The People Who Welcomed Columbus. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons. p. 26. ISBN 0-399-22116-6.
  27. 1 2 3 Rouse, p.12.
  28. ↑ Duke, Guy S. "Continuity, Cultural Dynamics, and Alcohol: The Reinterpretation of Identity through Chicha in the Andes". Identiy Crisis: Archaeological Perspectives on Social Identity. academia.edu.
  29. ↑ The Taínos of Quisqueya (Dominican Republic) called him "Yucahú Bagua Maorocotí", which means "White Yuca, great and powerful as the sea and the mountains".
  30. ↑ Other names for this goddess include Guabancex, Atabei, Atabeyra, Atabex, and Guimazoa.
  31. 1 2 Rouse, p. 119.
  32. ↑ Rouse, p. 121.
  33. ↑ Rouse, pp. 13, 118.
  34. ↑ Rouse, p. 118.
  35. ↑ Rouse, p. 14.
  36. ↑ Kirkpatrick Sale, The Conquest of Paradise, p. 100, ISBN 0-333-57479-6
  37. ↑ Allen, John Logan (1997). North American Exploration: A New World Disclosed. Volume: 1. University of Nebraska Press. p. 13.
  38. ↑ Kirkpatrick Sale, "The Conquest of Paradise", p. 155, ISBN 0-333-57479-6
  39. ↑ Anghiera Pietro Martire D'. De Orbe Novo, the Eight Decades of Peter Martyr D'Anghera. p. 143. Retrieved 31 July 2010.
  40. ↑ Anghiera Pietro Martire D'. De Orbe Novo, the Eight Decades of Peter Martyr D'Anghera. p. 132. Retrieved 10 July 2010.
  41. ↑ Anghiera Pietro Martire D'. De Orbe Novo, the Eight Decades of Peter Martyr D'Anghera. p. 199. Retrieved 10 July 2010.
  42. ↑ Saunders, Nicholas J. Peoples of the Caribbean: An Encyclopedia of Archeology and Traditional Culture. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2005. Web.
  43. ↑ Dale, Corrine H., and J. H. E. Paine. Women on the Edge: Ethnicity and Gender in Short Stories by American Women. New York: Garland Pub., 1999. Web.
  44. ↑ Taylor, Patrick, and Frederick I. Case. The Encyclopedia of Caribbean Religions Volume 1: A-L; Volume 2: M-Z. Baltimore: U of Illinois, 2015. Web. Chapter title Taínos.
  45. ↑ Deagan, Kathleen. "Reconsidering Taino Social Dynamics after Spanish Conquest: Gender and Class in Culture Contact Studies." American Antiquity 69.4 (2004): 597. Web.
  46. ↑ Hotep, Amon. "Women." Race and History.com | TAINO | Women. N.p., n.d. Web. 29 Nov. 2016.
  47. ↑ Sloan, Kathryn A. Women's Roles in Latin America and the Caribbean. Santa Barbara, CA: Greenwood, 2011. Web.
  48. ↑ Rouse, p.7.
  49. ↑ "Endless War of Domination". Student-Employee Assistance Program Against Chemical Dependency. Retrieved 2007-10-02.
  50. ↑ Karen Anderson Córdova (1990). Hispaniola and Puerto Rico: Indian Acculturation and Heterogeneity, 1492–1550 (PhD dissertation). Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms International.
  51. ↑ "The Taíno Indians: Native Americans of the Caribbean". The Healing Center On-Line. Retrieved 2007-10-02.
  52. ↑ American Indian Epidemics
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  56. ↑ Anghiera Pietro Martire D'. De Orbe Novo, the Eight Decades of Peter Martyr D'Anghera. p. 143. Retrieved 21 July 2010.
  57. ↑ David M. Traboulay. Columbus and Las Casas: the conquest and Christianization of America, 1492–1566. p. 44. Retrieved 21 July 2010.
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  62. ↑ Watts, Sheldon (2003). Disease and medicine in world history. Routledge. pp. 86, 91. ISBN 978-0-415-27816-4.
  63. ↑ Schimmer, Russell. "Puerto Rico". Genocide Studies Program. Yale University.
  64. ↑ Raudzens, George (2003). Technology, Disease, and Colonial Conquests, Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries. Brill. p. 41. ISBN 978-0-391-04206-3.
  65. 1 2 Guitar 2000.
  66. ↑ Haslip-Viera, Gabriel (2014). Race, Identity and Indigenous Politics: Puerto Rican Neo-Taínos in the Diaspora and the Island. Latino Studies Press. pp. 111–117.
  67. ↑ Vilar, Miguel G.; et al. (July 2014). "Genetic diversity in Puerto Rico and its implications for the peopling of the island and the Caribbean". American Journal of Physical Anthropology. 155 (3): 352–268. doi:10.1002/ajpa.22569.
  68. ↑ Sherina Feliciano-Santos. 2011. An Inconceivable Indigeneity: The Historical, Cultural, and Interactional Dimensions of Puerto Rican Activism. University of Michigan, doctoral dissertation.

References

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